Colonial Williamsburg Digital Library

CHAPTER I
THE PROLOGUE

The colonial theatre in America, quite properly and quite naturally, was rooted in the soil of England. There it was nurtured and cultivated until it had reached a stage of adolescence and ready to be transplanted to the colonies. As such, this virile youngster was to become a very real and manifest facet of the culture of both England and the colonies.

The English theatrical story originates in the days of the Roman occupation when, as always, the conquerors brought a little of Rome with them to mellow the austereness of a barbaric land. In later years, long after the fall of Rome, the sponsor of the theatre became the Catholic Church, whose priests found that Mystery¹ and Morality plays were ideal vehicles for conveying the message to ignorant and uninformed communicants. This expedient, although successful, ricocheted. When it became obvious that these presentations were attractive to the congregation because of their entertainment rather than spiritual value, the Clergy went into opposition. This child of the Altar proved obstreperous and difficult to subdue. Such was the popularity of these productions that the Guilds accepted the responsibility for their presentation, with a whole city becoming the auditorium as pageant cars were dragged from place to place, each presenting a scene of the play cycle. In this switch from ecclesiastical to lay responsibility, certain mutations occurred in the drama itself. Solemnity of religion no longer tempered 2. the plot; tragedy, with its frowns of fortune and adversity, and ribald and licentious comedy held the attention of the audience.

The Court adopted theatrical entertainment as a welcome diversion from balls and the hunt, but it was not until 1576 that the first public theatre was established.² Among those which gravitated to London from a beginning in inns and courtyards was "that Wooden O," the popular Globe, where a young hostler by the name of William Shakespeare made his first contact with the professional theatre.

It was during the reign of Queen Elizabeth that the theatre became an integral segment of English culture. Elizabeth had an insatiable appetite for pageantry and comedy, but some limitations were found necessary to curb the freedom of the stage. This was an era in which monarchs rested uneasily upon their thrones, and Chronicle plays were suspect, for there was always the possibility of royalty being portrayed in an unfavorable light. In a like manner, Miracle and Morality plays drew an official ban because of the possibility of forwarding heretical doctrine through an uncensored miracle or a politically wrong morality.³

Even in the face of these proscriptions the theatre grew in popularity. Court noblemen loaned their names as protection to favored groups of players, and within this sphere of safety the theatre rose to be the mirror and interpreter of the time. The greatest poets of the day were dramatists, and the stage became a tangible dream to the people of London as it displayed before their eyes scenes of such remote and fabulous places as Italy, Spain and France. These were the years in which the playwrights 3. developed and stabilized the pattern of the drama which was to hold for centuries.

The growth of the theatre was temporarily stunted in 1642 with the rise of the Puritan Commonwealth under the leadership of Oliver Cromwell. The Puritans regarded any pleasure as sinful, and had maintained this extreme attitude through such actions as banning the Maypole and ordaining that Christmas be observed as a fast. The theatre followed the precedent of all oppressed minorities—it went underground. To enforce their interdicts the Puritan military were ordered to pull down the play­houses, but in spite of the loss of those "Chapels of Satan," surreptitious performances were acted in back rooms or occasionally produced "under pretence of Rope-dancing."⁴

There was a renaissance of the drama in 1660 with the restoration of the Stuarts to the throne of England. King Charles II was determined to enjoy life and all its emoluments to the hilt. He encouraged all plays, however indecent, and even decreed that church music be so arranged that he could beat time to it.⁵ The pleasure-starved survivors of the Cromwellian era looked to the theatre to provide them with diversion. Drastic changes were made in the physical structure of the theatre. No longer were auditoriums open to the sky, and the introduction of adequate scenery lessened the strain on the imagination of the spectators. The return of royalty and social stratification was catered to by the division of the audience into the segments of box, pit and gallery. From the 4. establishment of the Duke's Theatre (the first Drury Lane) Lincoln's Fields by Sir William Davenant, to the early eighteenth century, the English drama was centered in London at the famous Drury Lane and Covent Garden theatres.⁶ "Nurseries" were established as training schools for actors, and those graduates who were not signed by the two leading theatres took to the provinces as strolling players.

It waS an age which, suddenly finding itself released from the chains of Puritan abstinence, determined to make up for lost time. Men approaching middle-age, remembering a dull and unexciting adolescence, reverted to the behavior of youth, and by "the latter end of King Charles's reign there was not a rascal of any eminence under forty."

The audience of any theatre furnished a cross-section of the people of London. Restoration life was coarse, obscene and demanding. As actors performed their parts, they were forced to share the stage with fops who minced about in full sight the better to display their finery. The nobility and the wealthy visited the actresses back-stage, and the fabulous Nell Gwynn even became the mistress of the King. In the pit Orange-girls sold their fruit in raucous voices, whi1e the prostitutes, or Fire-Ships," openly solicited business throughout the audience. Women of a more genteel society sat in the boxes and affected Vizard Masks as a disguise, an expedient soon adopted by the women of easy virtue the better to ply their trade. The noisier and cruder segments of the audience were subjected to frequent reprimands from the stage with such passages as: 5.

They came not to see Plays but act their own,
And had throng'd Audiences when we had none

Our Plays it was impossible to hear,
The honest Country Men were for't to Swear:

Confound you, give your bawdy prating o're,
Or Zounds, I'le fling you i' the Pit, you bawling Whore.

⁸

Thomas Beterton and Ann Bracegirdle became the idols of the day, and the social and economic status of all actors was improved considerably from the days of Elizabeth. Samuel Pepys, with his pungent commentaries on the life of his times, noted, "I see the gallants do begin to be tyred with the vanity and pride of the theatre actors who are indeed grown very proud and rich."⁹

By the beginning of the eighteenth century, the theatre had become even more of an entertainment medium of the people. Queen Anne had gone little to the playhouses, and the early Hanoverians had difficulty with the language and relaxed with amusements of a more teutonic nature. In catering to the plebeian tastes of the audience, the theatre had fallen to the lowest depths of degradation. Only partial success had met the series of proclamations issued by Queen Anne in 1704-1711 in an effort to clean up the drama.¹⁰ Only the rise of such playwrights as Addison, Pope, Steele and Swift managed to bring the theatre out of the doldrums into which it had fallen. Addison's Cato was one of the finest examples of classical English tragedy; its success was extraordinary and the play evoked praise from even the cynical Voltaire. 6. Dryden was hailed as the new Shakespeare, and once again the most noted literary men of England wrote plays and attended the theatre.¹¹ Plays became sentimental in nature rather than cynical as in the Restoration days, and the dialogue was far less sophisticated, though often earthy. The theatre had been modified from an aristocratic to a middle-class institution.¹² As such, it was more readily acceptable to the colonies which were themselves involved in the development of a culture which would one day be termed "American."

The theatre, colonial or modern, did not and does not exist in a vacuum. The basic elements are play, actors and audience, held together by the catalyst of interest. All these elements were present in colonial America, but by the exigencies of the time had been diverted into other and more complex channels. The early settlers were not, moreover, concerned with a medium of entertainment. They were themselves actors in the true-life drama of carving homes out of a wilderness and the struggle for survival in a hostile community. There was no place for artificial comedy or tragedy.

Credit must be given to the Spanish and French for the earliest dramatic productions on the continent of North America, but such incidents were isolated and usually assumed the form of extravaganzas and pageants.

Even then, the Spanish waited for nearly fifty years after the conquest of Mexico before the first recorded drama was presented. This occurred June 30, 1566, and was included among the celebrations accompanying the baptism of the twin daughters of Don Martia Cortes, Marquis de Valle, 7. the legitimate son of Cortes. The dramatic production on this occasion was a "symbolical masque" which portrayed the reception of Cortes by Montezuma, and its implications eventually led to the banishment of the Marquis.¹³

Thirty-two years later, on April 20, 1598, Juan de Onate reached the banks of the Rio Grande and laid claim to the territory there as New Mexico. Religious ceremonies were first conducted in a chapel built especially for that purpose. That evening there was a performance of an original comedy written by a member of the expedition. Captain Marcos Fanan, who took as his plot the conquest of New Mexico.¹⁴

The French, on the northern boundaries of the territories that were to become the English colonies, produced their first dramatic performance on Nov8mber 14, 1606—exactly six months before the settlement of Jamestown. At Port Royal in Acadia the members of the expedition under de Pountrincourt presented a "piece of merriment" written in French rhyme by Marc Lescarbot. Under the title of "Les Muses de la Nouvelle-France" it assumed more the form of an allegory or masque than a play, and was presented on the occasion of their commander's return from a voyage of exploration along the New Eng1and coast.¹⁵

The Jesuit missionaries reverted to the practices of the Middle Ages in presenting their message to the natives. As early as September 10, 1640, Paul Le Jeune reported the presentation of a tragi-comedy in 8. Canada, and proudly asserted, "I would not have believed that so handsome apparel and so good actors could be found in Kebec." The awe-inspiring spectacle must have literally frightened the Indians into Christianity, for "We had the soul of an unbeliever pursued by two demons, who finally hurled it into a hell that vomited forth flames" The success of this presentation is indicated by the later letters of the Jesuits who reported plays (among them The Cid) in 1646, 1651, 1652, and a ballet in 1647.¹⁶

Very few of the settlers in the English colonies held so liberal a view of the drama. In New England Puritanism had crystallized, forming a solid bulwark against temptation and sin. Massachusetts Puritans had come from England at a time when licentiousness and obscenity were considered necessary elements in a successful drama, and their ministers had roundly condemned the theatre from the pulpit and in print. Playhouses, they concluded, were responsible for emptying the churches, aiding the Pope, causing God to visit the Plague upon London, corrupting maidens and chaste wives, and providing a market place for harlots and their customers. The theatre was denounced as the "bastard of Babylon" and "the snare of concupiscence and filthy lusts of wicked whoredom." This "Chapel of Satan" was censured as a school in which was taught:

… how to be false and deceive your husbands, or husbands their wives, how to play the harlot, to obtain one's love, how to ravish, how to beguile, how to betray, to flatter, lie, swear, forswear, how to allure whoredom, how to murder, how to poison, how to disobey and rebel against princes, to consume treasures prodigally, to move to lusts, to ransack 9. and spoil cities and towns, to be idle, to blaspheme, to sing filthy songs of love, to speak filthily, to be proud, how to mock, scoff and deride any nation.¹⁷

As early as 1686 Increase Mather had noted with alarm, that "There is much discourse of beginning Stage Plays in New England."¹⁹ This apprehension may have been engendered by the prospect of a "Stage-fight," which was held on April 28, 1687, and which crusty old Samuel Sewall 10. deplored with all of his sanctimonious heart.²⁰ In l714 witch-hunter Sewall angrily protested a proposal for a play which was to be acted in the Council Chamber of Boston. Pointing out that not even the Romans with all of their lust and dissipation had gone so far "as to turn their senate House into a Playhouse," he cautioned, "Let not Christian Boston, goe beyond Heathen Rome in the practice of Shamefull vanities."²¹ Unfortunately there is no record whether this protest, undoubtedly supported by many others, was sufficient to prevent the production of this play, but the available sources indicate no other attempts for the following thirty-six years. The cry of "Popery," a powerful weapon in New England was inevitably raised when the theatre was mentioned.²² This anathema against the theatre became so firmly established in the Puritan mind that it seemed to tinge the thinking of even those New Englanders who held no sympathy with puritanical censorship. Even their great literary figures of later years always appeared to harbor thinly camouflaged contempt for the theatre.²³

In New York, the early Dutch settlers had no particular theatrical heritage and as a result bore no antagonism to the drama. These thrifty people did, however, object to the expense and waste of time involved, a point of view which they retained even after they became subjects of the King of Eng1and. This principle is reflected in the indentures for 11. apprentices in the early eighteenth century which read:.

He shall not absent himself Day or Night from his Master's service without his leave, to haunt Alehouses or Playhouses, but in all things as a faithful apprentice he shall behave himself toward his said Master, and all during the said term.²⁴

The New Englanders found sturdier allies among the Quakers and Presbyterians of Pennsylvania whose inherent convictions, like those of the Puritans, had been nourished on abstract thought. The Society of Friends considered actors as "inlets of vice."²⁵ and "never confused liberty of conscience with liscense to behave as one might wish."²⁶

William Penn had used a powerful argument against the theatre in 1669 in his No Cross, No Crown, when he asked, "How many plays did Jesus Christ and his apostles recreate themselves at? What poets, romances, comedies, and the like did the apostles and the saints make or use to pass their time withal?"²⁷ This principle he had incorporated into the Great law of Pennsylvania when he had attempted to establish a "Holy Community" in his colony. A provision was inserted which forbade "prizes, stage plays, masques, revels, bear baitings, cock-fighting." Although the law was disallowed in 1693 by William and Mary, the ban against such diversions was soon replaced upon the statute books and just as promptly disallowed again.²⁸ But William Penn was as persistent as he 12. was religious, and from England he instructed James Logan to "Prepare a nervous Proclamation against Vice," with the result that on November 27, 1700, the Council approved a measure prohibiting plays along with bonfires and "any rude or riotous sports."²⁹ Even after this law met the inevitable fate of disallowance, similar attempts were made in 1706 and 1713 with the added threats of fines and imprisonment, but these met the same fate as their predecessors. Thus, from 1632 to 1713 Pennsylvania had attempted to secure a permanent statute forbidding theatrical amusements, and each time they had run afoul of the powers in England. After 1713 they realized the futility of their efforts and did not try again for forty-six years. Unsuccessful in limiting entertainment for the colony as a who1e, the Quakers could now only try to dissuade their own sect from "the reading of plays, romances, novels, and other pernicious books."³¹ Actually, there seems to have been little to become alarmed about. On the surface there seem to have been no efforts to promote a theatre in Pennsylvania during the early eighteenth century, for in 1729 a pious citizen publicly rejoiced that in Philadelphia there were "no Masquerades, Plays, Balls, Midnight Revellings or Assemblies to Debauch the Mind or promote Intrigue."³²

Yet, despite this vigorous opposition, and perhaps because of it, there were possibly a number of unrecorded plays in the early colonial period before the advent of a formal or professiol1al theatre. In 1612, 13. In his Apology for Actors, Thomas Heywood had expanded a theme developed by Shakespeare when he wrote:

The world's a theatre, the earth a stage,

Which God and Nature do with actors fill.

Sparse and vague sources also record an attempt to initiate the dramatic arts in the City of New York. Sometime between 1699 and 1702 one Richard Hunter presented a petition to Lieutenant-Governor John Nanfan, begging leave to present plays and stating that the petitioner had "been at great charge and expense in providing persons and necessary's in order to the acting of Play's in the City."³⁴.Although it has been established that his petition was acted upon favorably, there is nothing to indicate that Hunter actually went so far as to present plays.

One of the earliest professional actors to perform in North America was a young vagrant of twenty years by the name of Anthony Aston. His 14. father was Richard Aston, who had compiled a valuable work entitled Placida Latina Rediviva, and who, "tho' a Lawyer, liv'd and dy'd an honest Man." Anthony had been given a fair education, and had begun life as a law clerk until he became enamoured of the stage in 1697. For three years he barnstormed in England and then fell victim to the reports of the fabulous fortunes won by the buccaneers of Jamaica. Instead of wealth he accumulated only disappointment and turned to the law and soldiering as a means of subsistence.³⁶ Sailing to South Carolina, he reached there just in time to accompany Governor Moore on the latter's ill-fated expedition against St. Augustine. In January, 1703, the expedition returned to Charleston and the carefree Aston reported, "Well, we arriv'd in Charles-Town, full of Lice, Shame, Poverty, Nakedness, and Hunger — I turn'd Player and Poet, and wrote a Play on the Subject of the Country."³⁷ Aston, who was to be later characterized as "a vagrant, … perpetually setting the laws at definance,"³⁸ next journeyed to New York, and, falling in with old cronies, spent the winter "acting, writing, courting, and fighting…" Spring found him in Virginia, from whence he secured passage back to England. He made no mention of having acted in Virginia, but he did report "the noble Governor Nicholson treated me handsomely."³⁹

Aston's visit may have inspired other hopefuls to try their hand at the drama in New York, although their efforts were insignificant enough to remain in obscurity. For this or some other reason, on May 6, 17O9, the Council forbade "playacting and prize-fighting," which may be an indication that the town had been plagued by both these evils.⁴⁰

Nevertheless this decree did not prevent the succeeding Governor, Robert Hunter, from writing the first play known to be printed in America. In 1714 it appeared under the full title of Androboros, a B[i]ographical Farce of Three Acts, viz: The Senate, The Consistory and the Anotheosis. It was a clever satire on the actions of the Assembly and Lieutenant­Governor Francis Nicholson, who was Androboros, or "Man-eater."⁴¹ Dr. William Vesey, rector of Trinity Church, came in for his share of criticism in the part of "Fizle." If Vesey had gone to Eng1and, possibly at the instigation of Nicholson, to protest against Hunter's lukewarm attitude toward the interests of the Anglican Church. This crude play, coarsely written and filled with uncouth humor, was listed as having been printed at "Moropolis" or "Fool's Town."⁴² The play was probably never produced, nor was it intended to be, but was merely Hunter's method of striking back by ridiculing his critics.

Thus, despite the vigorous opposition waged against the theatre in the 16. American colonies, that resistance was gradually being worn down except in New England, where Puritan convictions remained as firm as the boulders of her rock-bound coast. There the spirit of opposition was so ingrained that only the erosion of passing years and changing times would break it down. Even in the other colonies, laws restricting the theatre were passed as a sop to religious extremists, but as often as not were soon forgotten. Only Virginia and Maryland never enacted legislation prohibiting the theatre, and it was in Virginia that the theatre was able to gain a foothold in America.

CHAPTER II
THE FIRST THEATRE IN AMERICA—WILLIAMSBURG, 1716-1745

Virginia's early theatrical history is like a faulty fuse, sputtering sporadically for the first hundred years. The colony was represented in the theatre, albeit minutely, even before the first settlers landed at Jamestown. Soon after the coronation of James I in 1603, Sir Petronell Flash, "the first of a long line of Virginia colonels," appeared before the new monarch as a character in the play Eastward Hoe. In a like manner it has also been claimed that the opening scene in Shakespeare's The Tempest (1611) was based on a Virginia letter which described the wreck of the fleet which was taking Sir Thomas Gates to Virginia in 1609.¹

Strangely enough, the first expressed opposition to the drama in the new colony had its origin in London theatrical circles. The failures of the first attempts at colonization had provided a boon for the comics of the Elizabethan stage. It was probably this hostility which led to the inclusion in the Daily Prayer prepared in 1602 for the use of the plantations this beseechment:

O Lord we pray thee fortifie us against this temptation: let Samballat & Tobias, Papists and Players and such other Amonits & Horonits, the scum & dregs of the earth, let them mocke such as helpe to build up the walls of Jerusaleum, and they that be filthy, let them be filthy still.²

Eight years later when the Reverend William Crashaw delivered a sermon before Lord Delaware in February, 1609/10, he adopted a similar attitude. He declared that the hostility of the actors was a result of their thwarted ambition to emigrate to the new world. In discussing the colonization of Virginia, Crashaw warned:

… This action hath three Great enemies, … euen the Diuel, Papists and Players… But why are the Players enemies to this Plantation, and doe abuse it? I will tell you the causes: First, for that they are so multiplied here, that one cannot liue, by another, and they see that wee send of all trades to Virginiea, but will send no Players, which if wee would doe, they that remaine would gaine the more at home. Secondly… because we resolue to suffer no Idle persons in Virginiea, which course if it were taken in England, they know they might turne to new occupations.

This was a needless concern on the part of the clergy. There was no place for actors in early America. Starvation was much more of a reality in Jamestown than it was for the unemployed actors of London. The days of the settlers were much too occupied with the struggle to survive and the nights held too many dangers for consideration of the relatively trivial entertainments offered by the drama. Tragedy was more than a representation on the stage—it was an ever-present fact.

Yet, even though transported 3,000 miles from home, these people were Englishmen, and as such, still maintained an active interest in things reminiscent of the mother country. The present "Jordan's Point" on the James River was originally known as "Beggar's Bush," a reflection upon some settler's interest in John Fletcher's play.⁴

Legal attempts to suppress and restrict the drama were unknown in early Virginia. It is an interesting fact, and perhaps a relevant one, 19. that the royal governor who lived in the colony for 35 years—Sir William Berkeley—was himself a playwright of some note and had been associated with the Cavalier drama at court and in London.⁵ His play, The Lost Lady was first acted in 1637, one year before its first printing, and had proved popular enough to be reprinted in 1639. Upon its revival in 1661, that inveterate play-goer, Samuel Pepys, had censured it because it did "not please me much."⁶ A second play, Cornelia, was never printed, but seems to have been played during the Restoration.⁷

The theatre also enjoyed religious toleration in Virginia. The Anglicans, who had given tacit recognition to the drama in England, apparently pursued the same course in the new world. Neither was there an active Puritan element in the colony to rail against the "snare of concupiscence."

Virginia as a colony was not long contained within the confines of the little isthmus that was Jamestown Island. Land was cleared, crops were planted, harvested and shipped to the London market. Ambitious men acquired great tracts of land out of which they created great plantations, and aspects of culture came to what had been a frontier civilization. These planters regarded themselves as gentry and followed a set pattern of social and intellectual activity. Accumulated wealth brought some leisure time and with leisure came the inclination to cultivate their minds in addition to their crops. Sizable libraries were to be found on many plantations. From the extant inventories it appears that 20. many planters accepted the suggestion of Henry Booth, second Baron Delamere and first Earl of Warrington, whose Works were first published in 1694. As to the dramatic arts Booth had advised, "To read a play or romance now and then for diversion may do no hurt; but he that spends most of his time in such books will be able to give a very ill account of it."⁸ Possibly the most enthusiastic devotee of the theatre in Virginia was William Byrd II. In the late seventeenth century he had spent much time in residence at the Middle Temple in London, where he became an intimate of William Wycherly, one of the boldest of the comedy writers, and also an acquaintance of William Congreve and Nicholas Rowe. A constant patron of the theatre in London, he maintained an active interest in the drama throughout the remaining years of his life, and one-sixth of the large library which he accumulated was composed of plays.⁹ The library of William Eustace of Northumberland County listed "a parcel of play books" in 1740. This literary interest in the drama, however, was not a sole prerogative of the gentry. Nathaniel Hill, a schoolteacher in Henrico County, was found at his death to have owned sixteen playbooks.¹⁰

The first professional entertainers in the colony probably came to the new world as indentured servants. As early as 1686 Colonel William Fitzhugh was entertaining his guests with three fiddlers, a jester, an acrobat and a tightrope dancer, who were more than likely redemptioners 21. serving out their time.¹¹

Out of this background came the presentation of the first known play to be staged in the English colonies. This local talent production was acted in Accomac County, on the eastern shore of Virginia, August 27, 1665. The play, "Ye Bare and ye Cubb," was staged in Cowle's Tavern near Pungoteague¹² with a cast composed of Cornelius Watkinson, Philip Howard and William Darby. To one Edward Martin acting must have seemed akin to heresy, for he straightway rushed to John Fawsett, the King's Attorney, reported the play and insisted that the offenders be brought to trial. After the defendants had been haled before the County Court by Fawsett, the case was continued, the Justices of the Peace ordering Watkinson, Howard and Darby to appear at "ye next Court, in those habiliments that they then acted in, and give a draught of such verses, or other speeches and passages, which were then acted by them." At the following session of the court, the Justices were apparently pleased with the performance of the accused, for the verdict was that they were "not guilty of fault," and because of "the Charge and trouble of that suit did accrew," it was further directed that Martin, the accusing witness, pay all costs of court.¹³ This may literally be called the first favorable review of a play in America.

It is also reasonable to assume that this decision gave free rein to the production of amateur theatricals in Virginia. The indication of 22. such a precedent is seen in 1702 when the students of William and Mary College performed "A Pastoral Colloquy"¹⁴ without molestation or criticism. And it is not unlikely that these students performed before others than their fellow scholars, for the college was no longer located in the defense outpost of Middle Plantation, but around them was building the city of Williamsburg, the new capital of Virginia.

William III, for whom the new town had been named, was the same ruler who had disallowed Pennsylvania's ban upon the theatre, and his successor upon the throne of England, Queen Anne, had refused to sanction a similar measure for "it restrains her Matys Subjects from Innocent Sports and Diversions."¹⁵ Williamsburg was growing and felt a definite kinship with the people of England, for they "live in the same neat Manner, dress after the same Modes, and behave themselves exactly as the Gentry in London,… "¹⁶ With a royal benediction pronounced upon the drama, and with the natives of Williamsburg striving to mimic their more cultured brethren across the sea, Williamsburg was ripe for the introduction of the theatre. In such an atmosphere, the institution would be both morally and socially acceptable to the community, a situation present in but few towns in colonial America. They had not long to wait.

William Levingston, a merchant of New Kent County, had come to Virginia sometime before l716, and ^who is thought to have been the son of a Scottish merchant and Member of Parliament from Aberdeen.^{17He emigrated to Virginia before 1716 and became a merchant in New Kent County} In addition 23. to his merchandising activities, he operated a "peripatetic dancing school" in New Kent, and possibly also in the neighboring counties.¹⁸ For teachers he had acquired two indentured servants, Charles Stagg who acted as "Dancing Master," assisted by Mary, his wife. In July, 1716, they had been bound to Levingston since September 1715.¹⁹

In the Spring of 1716, Levingston had expanded his activities to the extent of establishing a dancing school in Williamsburg, and a suitable building was in the process of erection. As a means of inaugurating his classes without undue delay, Levingston submitted a petition to the Board of Visitors of William and Mary for leave to conduct his classes in the college building. On March 16, 1716, he was granted the "use of the lower Room at the South end of the Colledge for teaching the Scholars and others to dance until his own dancing school in Williamsburg be finished."²⁰

In the meantime, Levingston and Stagg had made the decision to extend their activities in the amusement field. Sometime in the interval between March and July, they reached an agreement to build a theatre in Williamsburg. Just what stimulated the idea is not known, but it could have resulted from the solicitation of interested townspeople, the 24. urging of the Staggs, or Levingston may have seen the possibility of additional revenue in a hitherto untapped source. Whatever the motive, by November Levingston "hath at his own proper Cost & Charge sent to England for Actors & Musicians for ye better Performance of ye sd Plays…"²¹

The Staggs were a talented couple. In addition to their proficiency in "ye Science of Dancing" they apparently also had some ability and experience as actors. Recognizing this, Levingston had, on July 11, 1716, released them from their indenture^{which had been effective since the previous September}, but still retained their service through contract. Under the terms of this covenant, not only were the Staggs to operate the theatre, but they were to train other actors "according to ye best of their Skill." In drawing up the new agreement, both Levingston and Stagg drove shrewd bargains. Stagg agreed to pay Levingston £60 each "Lady day" (March 25th) for a period of three years, but was allowed to deduct a sum of £5 monthly for the time that he was engaged in acting for their joint benefit. In turn, Stagg was permitted to retain all entrance fees and profits received from the dancing school since his arrival in Virginia. Within eighteen months Stagg agreed to pay Levingston for money and merchandise advanced him, in addition to the expense incurred for "horses, ferriages, or Otherwayes" in the conduct of the dancing classes. Insofar as the physical properties of the playhouse were concerned, Levingston was to erect "at his own proper Costs & Charge in ye City of Wmsburgh One good Substantiall house commodious for Acting such Plays as shall be thought fitt to be Acted there." Although Levingston was to receive rent for the building, both were to share equally "in all Charges of Cloaths Musick & other Necessaries." Profits were to be divided equally after the deduction of expenses. 25. After thus binding themselves as partners in the entertainment field, Levingston and Stagg agreed to "use their best Endeavours to Obtain a Patent or Lycence from ye Governour of Virga for ye Sole Privileges of Acting Comedies, Drolls or Other kind of Stage Plays within any part of ye sd Colony" for the next three years or longer if possible.²² There is, however, no indication that they received this desired monopoly on theatrical productions in Virginia.

With actors and musicians from England supposedly on their way to Virginia, it became necessary for Levingston to erect his theatre building as early as possible. He moved to York County from New Kent, a move calculated to give him more adequate supervision of his new venture. On November 5, 1716, he secured deeds of lease and release for three lots from the Trustees of the City of Williamsburg for a consideration of forty-five shillings and an annual rental "of one grain of Indian Corn… if it be demanded." The three lots, numbers 163, 164 and 169,²³ faced the Palace Green, and Levingston was bound by the stipulation in the 1705 Act of Assembly for building the Capitol and the City of Williamsburg, to erect on each lot "one good dwelling house or houses of such dimensions," within a period of two years.²⁴

July, 1718, was the termination date for Levingston's lease, and it must be assumed that the playhouse and other dwellings were completed by that date as he was allowed to retain the property. In building the theatre, Levingston presumably turned to the Staggs for advice, relying upon their recollections of English provincial theatres, or perhaps he based the construction upon memories of the theatre in his native Edinburgh. The structure, when completed, measured eighty-six feet, six inches long, with a width of thirty feet, and rested on a narrow brick foundation.²⁵ It seems to have been a plain weatherboarded building with a shingled roof, and with at least five windows providing light and ventilation. Within, the building was floored and plastered,²⁶ and possibly the outside was painted red, a practice usually followed in colonial theatres of later years.²⁷

The Spring of 1718 probably saw the first play being presented in the new playhouse. On June 24 of that year an angry and bitter Governor Spotswood complained to the Board of Trade, insisting that the vote of the Council be abolished "in the passing of Laws." On May 28th the Governor had given a "publick Entertainment," which included the presentation of a play, in celebration of the birthday of his Majesty, George I.²⁸ But the congenial atmosphere created by the "Knights of the 27. Golden Horseshoe" of two years before had vanished. An angry Council disregarded the Governor's festivities and repaired to the House of Burgesses and planned a more spectacular celebration of their own. They "invited all ye Mobb to a Bonfire," where they provided their guests with free liquor, and where toasts to the health of the Governor were conspicuously absent.²⁹

It is only reasonable to assume that this play of the Governor's was presented in the new playhouse by the Levingston-Stagg Company. The unheralded cast was probably made up of those actors for whom Levingston had sent to England some two years before. Certainly they had had time to arrive. It is also quite likely that the thrifty Scot had resorted to the importation of indentured servants who had acquired some acting experience. Only a meager effort would have been necessary to have persuaded destitute actors to bind themselves to a period of servitude as a means of eating regularly. Mary Ansell³⁰ and Mary Peel,³¹ two servants indentured to Levingston, may well have been actresses with the troupe. Little Thomas Sellers, one-eyed, flat-footed and "Battle-ham'd," who was indentured to the Staggs, and who was endowed with a talent for the violin and a penchant for running away,³² more than likely furnished musical accompaniment for both the dramatic productions and the dancing classes. Among other possibilities were Nicholas Hurlston (who may have been a professional) and Alice and Elizabeth Ives, who perhaps performed the 28. duties of wardrobe mistresses.³³ A reenforcement of talented amateurs of the community doubtless supplemented this nucleus of professionals and semi-professionals.

The earliest date at which it can be stated definitely that Levingston completed the theatre was May 21, 1721. In the intervening five years since he had secured the original property, he had enlarged his original holdings by the acquisition of two additional lots (numbers 176 and 177). In addition to the playhouse he had erected a dwelling, a detached kitchen and other necessary outbuildings including a stable. In the acre and a half plot adjacent to the theatre he had constructed a bowling green.³⁴ Another acre free of buildings had been devoted to a garden.³⁵ Around 1722 the Reverend Hugh Jones, mathematics professor at the College made casual mention of the theatre, but applied the adjective "good" to the bowling green,³⁶ an indication that the playhouse was less than imposing.

From all appearances, by 1721 Levingston had completely abandoned his merchandising activities and had established himself as an entrepreneur in the entertainment field. He secured a license to operate his house in Williamsburg as a tavern with the understanding that he would "constantly find & provide in his ordinary good wholesome & cleanly Lodgings & diet for Travellers & Stableage;" that there would be no "unlawfull gaming in his Sd house;" and on the Sabbath he would not tolerate his patrons to "Tipple or drink more than is necessary."³⁷

Notwithstanding his many projects, or perhaps because of them, Levingston's financial status steadily worsened! There are indications that he may even have set himself up as a surgeon as a means of recouping his fortune.³⁸ This recourse to the practice of medicine appears to have been no more profitable than his other ventures. From 1717 on much of Levingston's time was spent in court. Repeatedly he brought suit against delinquent creditors.³⁹ His servants frequently ran away or managed to involve him in other difficulties, some of which required his presence in the courtroom.⁴⁰ To ward off an impending financial crisis, Levingston, on May 29, 1721, was forced to mortgage his property to Archibald Blair.⁴¹ This measure only served to delay the eventual outcome. Levingston defaulted, and on June 24, 1723, Blair leased the property to Robert Faldo for five years. To witness another enjoying the fruits of his labors so enraged Levingston that on the same day that Faldo assumed possession, the former owner "by force & Arms… Ejected expeled & Amoned" the new tenant from the premises. In the resultant court action the jury declared Archibald Blair to be the rightful owner, and at the same time awarded damages of one shilling to Faldo, who was allowed to re-occupy the property. Levingston was adjudged at fault and ordered to pay the costs of the suit.⁴² Shortly thereafter the indigent Levingston removed to Spotsylvania County, endeavoring to begin anew by leasing land in an 30. area that was ultimately to be the site of Fredericksburg.⁴³ He died there sometime before 1729.⁴⁴

The paucity of information, coupled with the absence of a local newspaper before 1736, clouds the operations of the theatre in an almost impenetrable gloom. An indication that the theatre had fallen on hard times is seen in an observation by William Hugh Grove in his diary in 1732: "there was a Playhouse managed by Bowes but having little to do is dropped."⁴⁵ Insofar as the records are concerned, Bowes is a non­entity, but he may possibly have been an employee of Blair, who may have attempted to continue the operations of the theatre. If the Staggs did continue their activity in the theatre, it must be assumed that they either rented the building from Blair or occupied it under a silent agreement or unrecorded contract. The playhouse even have been used as a dance studio by this resourceful couple. Sometime before January 21, 1736, Charles Stagg died, by the standards of the day, a fairly well­to-do man.

Charles Stagg was probably already in his grave when in January of 1736 Centlivre's The Busy-Body was staged by a local group; from all appearances it was an amateur effort, or at best a hybrid combination of the remnants of the Levingston-Stagg troupe joined with community dilettantes. William Byrd II wrote an almost facetious letter from 31. Westover, inquiring as to the success of one of the actors, one Dr. Potter, a "Writer of Plays,"⁴⁶ who had played the role of Squire Marplot:

… we should be glad of a little Domestick [news], which of your Actors shone most in the Play next Isabinda, who I take it for granted is the Oldfield of the theatre? How came Squire Marplot off? with many a clap I suppose, tho I fancy he would have acted more to life in the comedy called the Sham Doctor. But not a word of this for fear in case of sickness he might poison or revenge your, etc.⁴⁷

It is possibly only a coincidence that Blair sold the property on which the theatre was located shortly after the death of Charles Stagg. On February 20, 1736, he deeded the property to George Gilmer, the apothecary, for a sum of £155.⁴⁸

After the death of her husband, Mary Stagg continued to instruct in the terpsichorean skills. No longer, however, did she have a monopoly on dancing schools. In 1737, Madame Barbara de Graffenried, daughter­in-law of the noted founder of New Bern, in North Carolina, advertised her services in a similar capacity. Her husband, Christopher, who owned a plantation on the James River, was experiencing financial reverses, 32. and⁴⁹ his wife had established a dancing school and pseudo-ballroom in their town house which was on a lot adjoining the Governor's Palace.⁵⁰ She had the endorsement of William Byrd II, who asserted "She really takes abundance of pains and teaches well," and morally she was "as chaste as lucretia."⁵¹ From this time on through 1739 Mrs. de Graffenried and Mrs. Stagg sponsored balls and assemblies in direct competition; Mrs. de Graffenried in her home and Mrs. Stagg at the Capitol. On the nights when these two offered identical entertainments, Mrs. Stagg would attempt to make her presentation the more attractive by operating a simultaneous raffle for "Several valuable Goods," and one time, "a likely young Negro Fellow." Her theatrical talents allowed her to present also such attractions as "several Grotesque Dances, never yet perform'd in Virginia."⁵² It is apparent that the inhibitions and social position of Madame de Graffenried would not allow her to supplement her income by selling "Jellies, Mackaroons, and Savoy Biscakes," as did Mary Stagg.⁵³ Not even these two feuding ladies had the field to themselves. William Dering advertised in 1737 that he taught dancing to "all Gentlemens Sons,… 33. according to the newest French Manner," at the College,⁵⁴ and by 1739 an indentured servant, Stephen Tence, was also available for such instruction in both Yorktown and Williamsburg.⁵⁵

This gay round of amusements developed new, or continued, interest in the drama. There is also the possibility that that which appears to be renewed interest is only the additional information made available when William Parks began publishing the Virginia Gazette in 1736.

The Spring term of the Court in 1736 found the town thronged with visitors. These people, many of them from the backwoods, constituted a ready-made audience. The local novices entertained them and the towns­people with The Recruiting Officer and The Busy-Body to "much Applause." Included in the rather distinguished cast were the sister and son of Governor William Gooch, Mayor Abraham Nicholas, the "merry" Dr. Potter, apothecary George Gilmer (who now owned the theatre), supported by "a Painter, and several others." So well received were their efforts that contributions to the amount of £150 were subscribed "to encourage their Entertaining the Country with like Diversions at future Public Meetings of our General Court and Assembly."⁵⁶

Play production had also been given a semi-official stamp of approval by the faculty of the College of William and Mary. It was determined that "dayly Dialogues" in the Grammar School (Department of languages) would facilitate the teaching of Latin and Greek, and they further recommended:

… if there are any sort of Plays or Diversions in Use among them, which are not to be found extant in any printed Books, let the Master compose and dictate to his Scholars Colloquies fit for such sorts of Plays, that they may learn at all Times to speak Latin in apt and proper Terms.⁵⁷

This expressed interest in classical drama by the pedagogues may have led "the young Gentlemen of the College" to form (discounting the Harvard presentation of Gustavus Vasa in 1690) what may have been the first college dramatic society. Although there is no record of any formal organization, the students demonstrated sufficient interest to present publicly two plays in the Fall of 1736. On September 10, soon after the House of Burgesses had assembled, they opened the season with a performance of Addison's Cato,⁵⁸ admirably suited as a dramatic vehicle for college lads. The play was "a most ponderous tragedy" with "a succession of declamatory scenes… ; elegantly written, perfectly moral, and correctly in nature."⁵⁹ This portrayal of the last of the Roman republicans making a last stand for liberty was followed by plays of a more sophisticated character performed by a more sophisticated cast. The old favorite, The Busy-Body, was acted by the "Company" of "the Gentlemen and Ladies of this Country," probably with most of the same actors who had appeared in the Spring performance. The group then presented The Recruiting Officer and The Beaux-Stratagem.⁶⁰ Difficulty was encountered while casting Farquhar's Beaux-Stratagem. No suitable actress could be found to take the feminine lead, the "fine Lady" Dorinda. The problem was solved by the arrival in town of a Miss Anderson, and apparently an effort was made to keep the identity of Dorinda a secret as a means of creating suspense and interest in the play. But, as in all such attempts, the information leaked out to at least some of the public.⁶¹ When the play 35. was performed the sophisticated licentiousness delightfully shocked many of the young ladies in the audience, and "Arabella Sly" confessed in the pages of the Virginia Gazette that she had received a "Hunch" from the elbow of her companion when she forgot to cover her face as she giggled when a kiss was passed upon the stage.⁶² Others of the younger generation spent more time casting love-sick glances at one another than paying attention to the action on the stage.⁶³

On September 20th there was presented the last drama known to have been played on the stage of the first theatre. The "young Gentlemen of the College" once again made an appearance in Addison's The Drummer, or The Haunted House.⁶⁴ This was probably among the last, if not the last, productions of the season, for a month later Thomas Jones's stepdaughter was consoled by her grandmother with, "I hear there will be no plays this court so my dear B[etty] Pratt will loose no diversion by being absent for heare is not nor is there like to be anything to do."⁶⁵

Once again the balls and assemblies of Barbara de Graffenried and Mary Stagg took up the slack in the entertainment world. Unless there were unreported plays presented occasionally in the playhouse, the theatre was dark and quiet. In the Spring of 1738 an attraction played Williamsburg which conceivably may have rented the playhouse from Gilmer. This performance was probably. during one of the Williamsburg fairs and was composed of a man, his wife and their two children, who performed "the Agility of 36. Body, by various Sorts of Postures, Tumbling, and Sword Dancing, to greater Perfection than has been known in these Parts for many Years, if ever."⁶⁶

Whether the theatre was active during the next few years is nowhere indicated, but disuse is suggested by the need of extensive repairs in 1745. Quite possibly the decline of the first theatre in Williamsburg was hastened by the religious revival termed the "Great Awakening," which had begun its sweep through the colonies by the late 1730's.

December 4, 1745, marked the beginning of the last epoch in the life of the playhouse. On that date a deed was drawn, confirming an earlier sale, which conveyed the "House call'd the play House," and a surrounding area of six feet on all four sides from George Gilmer to a group of thirty-one "Gentlemen Subscribers" for the sum of £50. The bowling green had disappeared by this date, and Gilmer retained the title to Levingston's original house in which he operated his apothecary shop. Included in the list of purchasers were the names of same of the most distinguished men in the colony.⁶⁷ No indication of their purpose in buying the building is given in the deed. They conceivably may have entertained the idea of rehabilitating the theatre for the use for which it was originally designed. A more likely solution, however, is that it was a public spirited act on the part of men who realized the need of a municipal courthouse. In making a group purchase, each of them had to pledge the relatively small sum of approximately £1.13s.

A petition was soon submitted to the subscribers, by the Corporation of the City of Williamsburg, in which was pointed out the town's need 37. of a suitable building for use as a Common Hall and a Hustings Court. The courthouse of James City County had been used heretofore "on Curtesie;" and despite the pressing need, there was not sufficient capital to construct a building for that purpose. After pointing out that the play­house was admirably situated as a center of community affairs, they suggested to the purchasers that they "bestow Your present Useless House on this Corporation." On December 4, 1745, the day when the deed to the subscribers was drawn, the property was transferred a second time to the ownership of the city.⁶⁸

Within three weeks the city officials were advertising for proposals to alter and repair the building, which apparently had fallen into some decay.⁶⁹ The land was to remain in the possession of the city until 1770, when it was sold to John Tazewell, but by then the playhouse had disappeared.⁷⁰

One last gasp may have been made by the old building in 1766 when it may have harbored William Johnson's exhibition of experiments "in that curious and entertaining branch of Natural Philosophy called Electricity," which were accompanied by an appropriate lecture.⁷¹

Thus we have the story of the first theatre in America; conceived in ambition, born in a dancing class, nurtured in difficulty, and expiring in the midst of the human life dramas of a hustings court.

CHAPTER III
OTHER EARLY AMERICAN THEATRES, AND MURRAY-KEAN
THE FIRST TOURING COMPANY (Charleston, Philadelphia, New York, Williamsburg, and Annapolis)

Gradually, despite opposition which sometimes bordered on the violent, the theatre was carving out its niche in colonial culture and entertainment. Even Philadelphia was early subjected to an invasion of the despised actors. As early as 1723 a group of actors, led by "a Player who had strowled hither to act as a Comedian," arrived on the outskirts of the city, had playbills printed and distributed, and then went on "to act accordingly." James Logan, the newly elected mayor of Philadelphia, was distressed to the point of complaining, "How grievous this proves to the sober people of the place,… " Had not Governor William Keith looked with favor and indulgence upon the activities of the players, there is reason to suspect that the mayor would have endeavored to suppress the plays, notwithstanding they were located outside municipal jurisdiction. In explaining away his own indolence, the Mayor declared that as the Governor had previously "excused himself from prohibiting" stage attractions, Logan justified his own attitude by asserting, "I can by no means think it advisable to embroil myself with the governor to no purpose. "¹

The disposition of this unhappy civic official was no doubt ruffled still more the following year, 1724, when a newspaper advertisement 39. called attention to the fact there was a "New Booth on Society Hill," just outside the city limits, where the latest in "Roap Dancing" could be admired, while the audience would be entertained by "your old friend Pickle Herring." This new "Booth" was probably little more than the implications of the modern connotation of the word, but it did boast a stage, pit and gallery, with the choice seats located on the stage.²

These players of early Pennsylvania could conceivably have been the nucleus of a troupe who were said to have given plays in and around Lancaster between 1730 and 1742,³ but their names, the plays presented, along with other pertinent information seem to have been writ in water.

The drama suddenly reappears in New York in the Spring of 1730, with the first recorded performance of Shakespeare on the American stage. The actors, like the Williamsburg actors of 1735, were a group of amateurs under the direction of the sprightly Dr. Joachimus Bertrand. On March 23, 1730, Dr. Bertrand advertised a performance of Romeo and Juliet by quoting several lines from the script and then adding:

But as this Tragedy will be the first to be acted at the Revenge Meeting House, which is fitting up for that purpose, I hereby invite the Ladies to be present the first Night, the part of the Apothecary to be performed by myself in propia Persona, which I hope will be kindly taken and look'd upon as a great condescention in a Physician.⁴

Nothing is known of the success of this performance, and the subsequent use of the Revenge Meeting House as a theatre, which appears to have been originally a local tavern with a nautical name.⁵

Two years passed before further mention of dramatic efforts appeared in New York. A succinct notice in the local press announced a production of The Recruiting Officer, with Thomas Heady, barber and peruke maker to Governor William Cosby, cast in the role of "Worthy." The "new Theatre" referred to in this news item was located in one of the buildings owned by Rip Van Dam,⁶ President of the Council who as such had served as Governor of New York for nearly a year following the death of Governor John Montgomery.⁷ In all probability the theatre itself was located in the loft of one of the warehouses owned by Van Dam, and the claim has been made that it seated as many as four hundred spectators.⁸ This ^versatile company, whether amateur or professional, within the next three weeks had acted at least four more plays, Cato, a repeat of The Recruiting Officer, The Beaux stratagem and The Busy Body,⁹ before they lost their identity in the obscurity which clouds theatrical information of the period. But so well had they established themselves that Rip Van Dam's building was still referred to as "the Play-House,"¹⁰ and a 1735 map of Manhattan so identifies a building on the east side, near Beaver street.¹¹

For the next eighteen years, New Yorkers were dependent upon 41. entertainers in other fields. In 1734 a German artist displayed "the Wonders of the World by Dexterity of Hand." His seating arrangements were advertised as "best seats," "farther off," and "furthest off,"¹² Five years later "At Mr. Holt's Long Room" a pantomime of the "Grotesque Characters" of Harlequin and Scaramouch was announced, as was the added attraction of an "Optick," with the owner boasting of new scenes, costumes and decorations.¹³ In the Fall of 1747 a Punch and Judy show arrived from Philadelphia, with the puppets assisted by "a most curious Posture-Master Boy,… and many other Curiosities too tedious to mention."¹⁴ Two years later "Punch's Company of Comedians" played a return engagement, with the puppets intermittently acting plays from July to October "At a large Theatrical Room," which also held a wax works and an Automaton. They concluded their season in full theatrical fashion, advertising a benefit "to relieve some of the poor Prisoners in the City Hall."¹⁵

While the establishment of the theatre in New York was being subjected to these fits and starts, the institution was gaining a firm foothold in south Carolina. Charleston, like Williamsburg, was shaping a neoclassic culture based on a planter economy. Trade was also fast developing, nourished by a busy port with access to the hinterlands. With wealth and new found leisure came an interest in the fine arts, first discernible through the medium of music. One of the first notices of a musical presentation in Charleston occurred in April, 1732, when it was announced 42. that a "Consort of Musick" would be given in the Council Chamber for the benefit of Mr. Salter. This entertainment proved so popular that similar affairs followed, offering "Vocal and Instrumental Musick" and eventually graduating to a pattern featuring a combination concert and ball.¹⁶

In a like manner the seed planted in 1703 by the carefree Anthony Aston had also fallen on fruitful ground, but it was not until the Winter of 1735 that Charleston's first real dramatic season was initiated. Lacking a proper playhouse the play, The Orphan, or The Unhappy Marriage, was performed in the court room on Friday, January 24, 1735.¹⁷ It was so well received that a repeat performance was given the following Tuesday.¹⁸ The better tickets for both of these productions were priced at forty shillings each, but this was undoubtedly South Carolina currency, which was much lower in value than the basic coin of England. In the prologue spoken on the night of the first performance the players admitted their inexperience with:

Faint our endeavours, rude are our Essays;
We strive to please, but can't pretend at praise;
Forgiving Smiles o'erpay the grateful Task;
They're all we hope and all we humbly ask.

¹⁹

The Orphan proved popular. On February 8, the play was once again submitted for the approval of the audience, ("Encourag'd by your Smiles again we dare,") and the prologue, with emphasis, spoke of the strong 43. moral overtones in what was basically a licentious and obscene play.²⁰

Strongly convinced that their efforts were a solution to current sociological problems, the players did not hesitate to ridicule the theatrical censorship of New England when The Orphan was presented for the fourth straight time:

The little Term that Heaven to Mortals spares,
Is daily olouded with prolonging Cares;

Nor real Virtue blames the pleasing Strife,
To blend Amusement with the Shades of Life;

Wise, innocent, serene, she smiles at Ease
Nor hanging Witches, nor adjoining plays.

²¹

Not until February 18th was the bill changed, when Colley Cibber's Flora, or Hob in the Well was presented, which was probably the first production of a musical play in America. Another innovation was the addition of an afterpiece, the old pantomime favorite of Harlequin and Scaramouch, which was once again played "in Grotesque Characters."²²

The lull which followed was probably occasioned by rehearsals for a new play. It was not until March 25th that another performance was given, John Dryden's The Spanish Fryar, or The Double Discovery, a play involving two separate plots, wholly independent of each other. A second performance was to be given within two days of the first.²³

The theatre closed for the season. The cast of this ambitious group was never given, but it seems reasonable to make the supposition that they were local gentry. The last performance of The Spanish Fryar on March 27th had been announced as a benefit for the young lady who played the feminine leads. To announce the lady's name in the advertisement would 44. have overstepped the bounds of propriety and thus she was designated simply as "Monimia," undoubtedly the girl who had played the heroine in The Orphan. Amateur or professional, the company had more than fulfilled their announced purpose:

From the old World in miniature we shew
Her choicest Pleasures to regale the new.

²⁴

The reception of their efforts had been so favorable that a subscription was undertaken to insure similar entertainment for the following winter. The list of pledges was solicited by Charles Shepheard,²⁵ who had been responsible for ticket sales during the season, and may well have been the manager of the company.

Although the Court Room was still felt to be adequate for dancing,²⁶ there was the impression that it was no longer suitable for the staging of plays. The construction of a new theatre was begun in Dock Street, to be completed by the following winter season.

On Thursday, February 12, 1736, the "new Theatre in Dock street," opened with Farquhar's popular comedy, The Recruiting Officer. A large audience was anticipated, so much so that even the subscribers were cautioned to "bespeak places," before noon, "otherwise it will be too late."²⁷ It was well that they did. Those who were able to secure seats were treated to the nearest thing to burlesque offered by the eighteenth century theatre. The popular "Monimia" of the year before, who this night was cast in the role of "Silvia," recited a prologue written especially for the occasion by Dr. Thomas Dale, Associate Justice of South Carolina. 45. This in itself was not unusual, but the young lady appeared in male attire. This was, in the vernacular of the day, a "breeches part," and one which was calculated to display the young lady's physical assets to greater advantage than conventional crinolines. If the more genteel ladies of the audience reacted properly, they hid their blushing faces behind fluttering fans as the men snickered slyly. "Silvia" boldly stated her purpose as she declared:

To bid farewell to petticoats and stitching,
And wearing breeches, try their force bewitching.

²⁸

The so-called "Dock street Theatre" bore that designation for only one performance. In the intervening week the name of the street on which it was located was changed to Queen Street, and the building from this time on was to be known as the "Theatre in Queen-Street." The plays, for the remainder of this season, were usually the old stand-bys, The Orphan and The Recruiting Officer. There were two additions to their repertoire, the more important being George Lillo's The London Merchant, or The History of George Barnwell. A new musical afterpiece, The Devil to Pay, or The Wives Metamorphos'd,²⁹ was possibly added to mitigate the stark tragedy of The London Merchant. One of the two performances of the martial comedy, The Recruiting Officer, was played at the special request of the officers of the local garrison.³⁰

The name of Charles Shepheard was still the only one member of the company to appear in the newspapers, and apparently he was still either the manager or agent for the company. There was always an interval of at least one week between plays, which in itself is an indication that 46. the actors were more amateur than professional. This spring season closed with The Orphan on the twenty-third of March, six plays having been presented in a like number of weeks.

In May, the ownership of the theatre changed hands. The sale so frightened one devotee of the drama that he was quick to pen a protest to the Gazette, lamenting:

How cruel Fortune, and how fickle too,
To crop the Method made for making you.

These premature fears were groundless. On November 11 of the following fall the theatre opened with a presentation of Addison's Cato,³² and with Flora, or Hob in the Well added to the repeat performance of that play in the following week.³³ Between a production of The Recruiting Officer on the first of December and of Cato on the seventeenth, a ball was conducted in the theatre building.³⁴ This practice continued, and the playhouse also served as a concert hall at a later period.³⁵ The 1737 season came to an end on January 11, with another performance of The Recruiting Officer.³⁶

This comedy, which was repeated in the spring, was the last play to be seen in Charleston for many years. The production on May 26 was significant in that it originated a relationship between the Theatre and the Masons which was evident throughout the entire colonial period. The "antient and honourable Society of Free and Accepted Masons," had been organized in Charleston in 1735,³⁷ and this new organization had 47. requested a special performance of The Recruiting Officer. It must be noted, however, that the "request" was possibly initiated by Charles Shepheard, at whose house the masons had their Lodge. It was indeed a gala occasion. The play was sandwiched in between a special prologue and epilogue written for the occasion, and there was a comic dance also added, "Harlequin and the Clown," a prancing improvisation upon the Harlequin theme. A special vocal attraction was "The Song of Mad Tom," done "in proper Habiliments, by a Person that never yet appear'd upon the stage."³⁸ When the Masons marched in a body to the theatre and filed into the auditorium, they constituted the largest audience that the house had known. As the vocalists upon the stage sang the "entered Apprentice and Master's Songs," they were joined in chorus by the Masons in the pit, "to the Satisfaction and Entertainment of the whole Audience."³⁹ This precedent was to be duplicated many times in the eighteenth-century theatre.

When the curtain fell upon this gay production, it marked the end of dramatic productions for the next eighteen years. Concerts declined in a like manner, and the occasional dance assemblies of Henry Holt, Henry Campbell and others appear to have been the only notable public entertainments offered at Charleston between 1740 and 1751.⁴⁰ As in Williamsburg, this depreciation of interest in the drama may have resulted from a renewal of religious interest. Just six weeks before the concluding performance in the Queen street Theatre, John Wesley had preached so effectively in St. Philip's Church that one gentleman had 48. exclaimed, "Why, if this be Christianity, a Christian must have more Courage than Alexander the Great." His disciple, the Reverend George Whitefield, preached upon many occasions during the next few years and always to crowded houses.⁴¹

On the other hand, it was in the Quaker stronghold of Philadelphia, where religious opposition was to be expected as a matter of course, that the first travelling company of comedians made their original appearance. The city had had little dramatic entertainment since Mayor James Logan's alarm in 1724. To be sure there had been some exhibitions, but the nature of them had been so passive as not to excite emotions; freakish animals,⁴² a "Magick Lanthorn,"⁴³ with "Changeable Figures of Two Feet High," who produced comedies and tragedies on their miniature stage were the only professional entertainments even remotely resembling the theatre.⁴⁴

In the winter of 1749 there are indications that the younger set of the town had privately staged a play for their own amusement. In August of that year Edward Shippen had written from London to young James Burd, "You acquaint me of your acting a play last Winter to the Satisfaction of all Spectators… I am glad that Spirit is kept up, because it is an amusement the most useful of any to young People, and I heartily wish it would spread to the Younger Sort, I mean School Boys."⁴⁵ There had been no public announcement in the local press of such a production.

In 1749 a company of players was formally organized under the dual responsibility of Walter Murray and Thomas Kean. Their place of origin is unknown, but it was in Philadelphia that they made their first appearance. In seeking a building in which to perform, they negotiated with William Plumstead for the use of his warehouse on Pine Street (now water Street). They could not have approached a more ideal person in all of Philadelphia. Plumstead had been read out of the Quaker meeting and had embraced the Anglican faith. His prominence in local politics was to reward him with the mayoralty of the city within the year.⁴⁶

The struggling young company was probably too poor to advertise their performances, and as a result, information as to their activity is at best sketchy. On August 22, John Smith, son-in-law of James Logan, dropped in on his friend Peacock Biggers for a cup of tea, and there found the daughter of his host excited with the prospect of seeing Cato acted that evening. Smith promptly "Expressed my sorrow that any thing of the kind was Encouraged &ca."⁴⁷

Cato is the only play known to have been acted in Philadelphia during the stay of the Murray-Kean Company, but there certainly were others. It seems only reasonable to conclude that the company played the creations of such popular playwrights as Dryden, Otway, Congreve, Farquhar, Rowe and Gay which they performed in New York the following year. And unless Murray and Kean drastically expurgated the plays of the temper of The Beaux-Stratagem, the words "whore," "cuckold" and "bastard," contaminated the same pious air as that inhaled by the Quakers and Presbyterians of the community.

The audiences were remembered as "genteel," and they were shocked and "fell out" with a local girl, the stage-struck Nancy George, when she cast discretion to the side and joined the thespians.⁴⁸ Although the Anglican Church was increasing its congregations in Philadelphia, the Quakers and Presbyterians were still powerful enough to muster sufficient strength on January 8, 1750, to force the Common Council of the City to take some action with regard to this canker in their midst. Despite their complete lack of jurisdiction, the Council unanimouslY condemned the plays as an activity that "would be Attended with very Mischievous Effects," and the magistrates were ordered to bind the actors "to their good behaviour."⁴⁹

In the face of this display of open authoritative antagonism, it was almost mandatory that the Murray-Kean Company seek greener pastures. In early February, 1750, the troupe departed from Philadelphia, leaving behind them sharpened literary appetites for things dramatic, a condition which was speedily gratified by the booksellers of the city.⁵⁰

Arriving in New York this same month, the company once again found themselves in a community in which the drama had long been dormant. Attempts may have been made as early as 1739 to revive the theatre in that city, indicated by an old London manuscript by Archibald Home entitled "Poems on Several Occasions." One of his efforts bore the title, "Prologue, Intended for the second opening of the Theatre at New York, Anno 51. 1739." That plays were popular as a form of literature is implied by a writer who, observing the rapid degeneration of New York society, made a bitter denunciation of the younger generation:

She is now ten years of age, her mind is ripe for plays. Here again is a noble field of vanity presented to Madam, her mind is wholly taken up with the pleasure it affords and an actress' part, repeated by heart, yields greater joy to her parents than if she knew the whole Catechism.⁵¹

Upon their arrival in New York, the Murray-Kean Company had secured "a convenient Room for their Purpose in one of the buildings lately belonging to the Hon. Rip Van Dam Esqr., deceased, in Nassau Street, where they intend to perform as long as the season lasts, provided they meet with suitable encouragement."⁵² Again, as in the Plumstead building in Philadelphia, the building was probably a warehouse, and was a theatre in no respects other than size. Originally there were no boxes, as seats in the pit and gallery only were advertised.⁵³ Later when a few box seats were added, the capacity of the house totaled 161 in the pit, only 10 box seats, and 121 in what was a rather large balcony.⁵⁴

On March 5 the company opened with Richard III. "Wrote originally by Shakespeare," as altered by the late poet laureate, Colley Cibber. The play had been mutilated to the extent of being stripped of many of the longer speeches, with the action intensified, especially in those scenes depicting battle or murder.⁵⁵ After a repeat performance of this play 52. the following week, through the remaining days of the month old favorites were presented. As a means of alleviating the possibility of opposition, The Orphan, "wrote by the ingenious Mr. Otway," was presented on April 27, "For the Benefit of The Charity School in this City."⁵⁶ With the approach of hot weather attendance declined, and on July 12 the extreme heat forced the postponement of the scheduled program for four days when "it has the appearance of bing Moderate Weather."⁵⁷ But the hoped-for break in the weather did not occur and one week later it was announced that Love For Love would be "The last Night of playing this Season."⁵⁸

With the cool nights of September, however, the company reappeared early in the month offering The Recruiting Officer.⁵⁹ On September 20, Cato was presented to the largest audience yet seen in New York who had felt that "it was pretty well performed." The New York Weekly Post Boy took the occasion of the unusually large attendance to editorialize, "it may serve to prove that the taste of this place is not so much vitiated or lost to a sense of liberty but that they can prefer a representation of virtue to one of loose character."⁶⁰ This scolding had some effect, for the plays presented in the next few weeks were more moralistic in tone.

In late November, with winter fast approaching, the managers made some alterations in the theatre designed to increase the comfort of the audience, proudly announcing their efforts with, "The house being newly 53. floored is made warm and comfortable, besides which Gentlemen and Ladies may cause their stoves to be brought."⁶¹

Soon after the first of the year the innovation of musical entertainments between the acts was announced, and Thomas Kean displayed hitherto unrevealed musical aptitude in a duet with Mrs. Taylor.⁶²

Benefits, the means by which an actor implemented his rather meager income, were started. Thomas Kean as one of the managers was first, and he chose the ever-popular Beggar's Opera, announcing at the same time two notable variations. For the first time box seats were available in the Nassau Street theatre, possibly brought about by the simple expedient of railing off a small portion of the pit. A new member of the company was also announced, "a gentleman lately from London." This actor was Robert Upton, talented in the dance, and upon his first appearance performed a Harlequin dance, a Pierrot, and the familiar "Drunken Peasant."⁶³ Upton was not only talented but shrewd. He had been sent out from London as the advance agent for a company of comedians which was even then making preparations to sail to the colonies. Instead of making arrangements for their reception, he had succumbed to the glitter of the stage and the prospect of easy money, and deserting his employers, had sold his talents to Murray and Kean.

The added attractions offered at Kean's benefit proved so popular that the theatre was unable to contain the crowd. Announcements had been made that no tickets would be sold at the door, a procedure which proved impracticable because of the risk involved in offending steady patrons. Possibly some of the audience managed to evade the payment of any 54. admission, for the house was more than full. Those people who had previously purchased tickets and were unable to gain admission had their money refunded. Criticism became so general that the Weekly Post-Boy carried a statement the week following by the printer, James Parker, that no more than the usual number of tickets had been printed. A statement by Thomas Kean was also carried in the same issue, denying the rumor that there had been a "falling out" with Mrs. Taylor and defending what must have been a rather sorry performance on her part on the grounds that it was "owing to her not getting the part in time."⁶⁴

Benefit followed benefit, but not all were so successful as Kean's. Mrs. Taylor received two benefits for the reason given in the accompanying playbill:

As there was not much company at "Love for Love" (the play performed for her previous benefit) the Managers took the profit arising by that night to themselves, and gave Mrs. Taylor another benefit, who hopes the Ladies and Gentlemen will be so kind as to favor her with their company.⁶⁵

Heavy spring rains sometimes postponed scheduled performances, but on April 22 notice was given of an unusual benefit, and the second for Thomas Kean. Kean, "by the advice of several gentlemen in town who are his friends, having resolved to quit the stage and follow his employment of writing (wherein he hopes for encouragement.)" He had come to an agreement with Murray that in return for the entire receipts for one night, he would in turn relinquish any claim to the scenery, costumes, etc. belonging to the company. This left Walter Murray in sole ownership. For this performance Kean originally selected Richard III and Beau in the Suds,⁶⁶ but before the date of the benefit arrived a change in the program 55. was announced, with the substitution of The Busy Body and The Virgin Unmask'd, the identical program of the week before. An additional attraction was the singing of the celebrated ode, "Briton's Charter," by Charles Woodham. Kean made the usual plea on the bills that "all Gentlemen and ladies, and others, who are his well-wishers," favor him with their company.⁶⁷

The company managed to continue operations despite the loss of Kean, possibly the most brilliant actor in the group. One benefit succeeded another, with even Master Dicky Murray, the son of the manager, receiving his night along with the rest.⁶⁸ An attempt was made to increase the repertoire by an advertisement requesting the loan of the printed scripts of such farces as Henry Fielding's The Intriguing Chambermaid.⁶⁹

The summer of 1751 was comparatively mild, and the plays continued throughout the warm months. From the pathetic solicitations on the occasion of their benefits, a fair idea may be gained of the cast of this company which a later manager dismissed rather contemptuously as "some young men perpetrating murder of sundry plays in the skirts of town."⁷⁰ On June 10, when Mr. Jago advertised his benefit, he hoped that the play would be patronized, "as he never had a Benefit before, and is just out of prison."⁷¹ The same issue of the newspaper carried the notice of Mrs. Davis' night, with her expressed hope that she would be favored, "as the play is granted to enable her to buy off her time," an indication of bonded servitude. The widow Osborn was the personification of the title 56. of her play, The Distrest Mother: "As 'tis the first time this Poor Widow has had a benefit, and having met with divers late hardships and misfortunes, 'tis hoped all charitable, benevolent Ladies, and others, will favour her with their company."⁷²

July 8, 1751, marked the end of the New York run for the Murray-Kean Company. Within a few weeks one of the actors, John Tremain, inserted an ad in the paper declaring that as he now "declined the stage," that he proposed "to follow his business as a Cabinet Maker, and at the house of Norwood near the long Bridge," and announcing that his wares were to be sold "at the cheapest rates."⁷³

The Murray-Kean Company had enjoyed one of the longest runs by one company in the history of the colonial theatre—from March 5, 1750, to July 8, 1751, with the exception of the six weeks when they were closed down by the heat. They were soon to reappear in Williamsburg, but they left a number of their troupe in New York, including Robert Upton, who had once before deserted his former employer.

Robert Upton was an ambitious man, not content to play second fiddle to any theatrical manager. After the departure of the Murray-Kean Company, he began the organization of his own troupe. As a nucleus he collected the members of the older company who had elected not to make the journey to Virginia. Quite naturally Upton and his wife claimed the starring roles for themselves. John Tremain was persuaded to lay aside his cabinet-making tools and return to the stage, as did Mrs. Tremain. The "Poor Widow" Osborn, whose daughter had gone to Virginia, also once again appeared on the boards.

After some time which must have been spent in rehearsals, Upton on December 26, presented a bill combining Othello, and Garrick's Lethe, or Aesop in the Shades, and advertised lower admission prices than those collected by Murray-Kean.⁷⁴ Notwithstanding the bargain, attendance was poor, and on February 13, Upton announced "his great disappointment not meeting with encouragement," and declared his intention of presenting only five or six more plays, which were to serve as benefits. On the first of these, which he claimed by his prerogative as manager, he apologized that he would be unable to call personally upon each of his patrons to solicit their patronage, and "he humbly hopes they'll impute it to the want of information, not of respect."⁷⁵

When Mrs. Upton's benefit was announced on February 20, the assertion was made that this was "Absolutely the last time of performing here," coupled with the declaration that "The Company assure the Publick they are perfect, and hope to perform to Satisfaction."⁷⁶ Notwithstanding the finality of this pronouncement, the company did continue to play until the week before Upton's ship sailed for England. On March 4, 1752, The Fair Penitent was presented as Upton's last production. His last words on the American stage were contained in the farewell epilogue, which had been "adapted to the occasion."⁷⁷ When Robert Upton's ship sailed from New York, it carried him back to England and the obscurity which he so well deserved.

Meanwhile, the Murray-Kean Company had opened in Virginia. Williamsburg had seen few entertainments since late December of 1745, when 58. William Johnson had demonstrated his electrical display.⁷⁸ The arrival of a similar practitioner of the electrical art, who had come from Maryland by way of Norfolk, Suffolk, Hampton and Yorktown, was announced for the October, 1749, term of Court. In addition to entertainment values, powerful curative powers were claimed for this voltaic element, which was declared to be an antidote for ailments ranging from toothache and deafness to "swelling of the spleen."⁷⁹

Domestic entertainments included the usual balls and assemblies enjoyed by any eighteenth century urban community, horse racing in season, and possibly a periodic fair. There is little doubt that many of the citizens of Williamsburg would have welcomed the additional diversion offered by a theatre.

In August, 1751, such a project was announced in the Virginia Gazette, sponsored by Alexander Finnie, proprietor of the Raleigh Tavern. Undoubtedly he had been in communication with Murray-Kean, for in the same issue he announced their intended arrival, if a playhouse could be provided. Finnie proposed that the funds for the new theatre be secured through subscription, and each of "Those Gentlemen and ladies who are kind enough to favour this Undertaking, would, upon a contribution equaling one Pistole (approximately $3.80), be entitled to a box seat "for the first Night's Diversion." Finnie had these tickets already printed and promised to deliver them upon the receipt of the contribution. The building was to be completed in time for the October Court.⁸⁰

Time was short and Finnie had little time to waste. Less than a week after his original announcement he had purchased two lots from 59. Benjamin Waller at a cost of £40. These lots (numbers 21 and 22) were located on the east side of Eastern Street (later Waller Street), and carried with them the proviso that Finnie build either "2 good dwellings" of 16 X 20 feet, or one large dwelling measuring at least 50 X 20 feet.⁸¹

Subscriptions to meet the full cost of the building were slow in coming in, but Finnie boldly erected the building. Some concern must have been expressed when the rumor spread that the actors were not coming after all. John Blair, President of the Governor's Council, noted briefly the existence of such a rumor in his diary, "Hear ye Actrs are dispersed Presid will not come."⁸² But the actors did come, and as early as September 26 were announcing for October 21 their first production, which was to be Richard III with an exotic added attraction of "a Grand Tragic Dance, compos'd by Monsieur Denoier, called the ROYAL CAPTIVE, after the Turkish Manner…"⁸³

Although the theatre was complete, it apparently contained only the bare essentials of stage, pit, boxes and gallery,⁸⁴ and the Murray-Kean Company was still operating on a shoestring. The Virginia Gazette received little patronage from them, for the company apparently relied upon the distribution of playbills on the day of the performance rather than notices in the newspaper. Only three days after the presentation of Richard III a card inserted in the Gazette revealed the financial difficulties of the actors. They informed the public that the expenses incurred in erecting the theatre had been greater than had been anticipated and solicited additional funds from "those Gentlemen who are Lovers of theatrical 60. Performances," as a means "to procure proper Scenes and Dresses." Rather than choice seats, the subscribers were offered a proportionate share of the theatre building. Apparently Finnie, to whom the property had been originally deeded, was not involved in this exchange, as the money was to be collected by Messrs. Mitchelson and Hyndman who, in turn, would issue the theatre deeds to the contributors. Two interesting developments were revealed by this card. Charles Somerset Woodham, who had sung "Briton's Charter" at the New York Benefit of Thomas Kean, was now listed first as a manager, with his name listed first.⁸⁵ Possibly he had agreed to invest his savings into the company with the provision^provided that he be made manager in charge. It was certainly Woodham who was billed by the creditors of the troupe.⁸⁶ Thomas Kean, despite his farewell performance and surrender of title to all properties of the company, was also listed as a manager, and more than likely it was he who had attempted the very difficult lead role in Richard III.

By the middle of November the Company had concluded a rather short engagement in Williamsburg, and there is no further record of the plays which they performed. From there they moved on to Norfolk, opened there on November 18 in "Capt. Newton's great Room," and then offered The Recruiting Officer, plus additional "Entertainments as will be express'd in the Bills."⁸⁷ With this brief notice the company disappears again, but it is logical to assume that they played out the rest of the month in Norfolk, with a possible side trip to Suffolk, which appears to have been a favorite town for strolling entertainers.

During their short Williamsburg season the company had succeeded in reviving some enthusiasm for the drama at the College. There must have been talk of reviving the old collegiate favorite Cato be acted by the students, and Mr. Preston, professor of moral philosophy, took it upon himself to demonstrate the evils of the drama. It seems that he took his part too literally and was carried away with his own histrionic efforts. John Blair penned a wry note in his diary on November 16:

This evening Mr. Pre[st]on to prevent the young gentlemen at ye college from playing at a rehearsal in ye dormitory, how they could act Cato privately among themselves, did himself, they say, act the Drun[ke]n Peasant; but his tearing down the curtains is to me very surprising.⁸⁸

By December the wandering players had returned, but left no record of any performance in Williamsburg. On December 19, they announced their intention of playing in Petersburg by the middle of January and expressed the desire "that the Gentlemen and Ladies who are Lovers of Theatrical Entertainment, will favour them with their Company."⁸⁹ Either the company was not properly clothed for the winter months ahead, or new costumes were needed, and there is little doubt that their credit was poor, or even nonexistent. "A Suit of Cloaths for the Players," was purchased through William Hunter of the Virginia Gazette.⁹⁰

Their success or failure in Petersburg, like so many of their performances, is unrecorded, leaving an unexplained interlude in the chronicle of their peregrinations. They did not reappear in Williamsburg until the Spring of 1752, with an announcement of the benefit for Mrs. Beccely, female singer and soubrette of the troupe. This, however, is in itself an indication that the company had been in Williamsburg for some little 62. time, as benefits were almost always granted towards the end of a season. The audience represented a large part of the surrounding area, for not only could tickets be purchased at Jane Vobe's tavern in Williamsburg, but they were also for sale by Mr. Mitchel in Yorktown, some thirteen miles away. Mrs. Beccely selected for her night the comedy of The Constant Couple, or A Trip to the Jubilee, with The Lying Valet as an after­piece or farce. Murray and Kean joined her in playing the lead roles. Additional entertainments of singing between the acts and the dance of the "Drunken Peasant" were also promised.⁹¹ Mrs. Beccely obviously had an agreement with the managers which guaranteed her a well-advertised benefit, for none of the other actors received similar notices, not even the managers themselves. Charles Woodham was keeping a sharp eye on the budget, for the expenditures for advertising were so low as to be practically negligible.⁹²

An announcement in the Gazette two weeks later, on April 30, announced the intention of the company to leave Williamsburg for Hobb's­Hole (Tappahannock) where they played a two-weeks season from May 10 to May 24. There was no theatre in this small town, and here the court-house must have been fitted up as a playhouse, since that was the only building large enough to accommodate the players.⁹³ From Hobb's-Hole they planned to proceed to Fredericksburg to take advantage of the crowds attracted to that place by the June Fair.⁹⁴ It was in Fredericksburg on 63. June 2 that a young George Washington saw from the balcony what was probably his first American play. It is quite possible that Fredericksburg may have had a theatre at this time, or at least a building which could be altered as such, for young Washington noted in his ledger that he had made a loan to his younger brother, Samuel, "at the playhouse."⁹⁵

Soon after the closing of the fair the players hurried to Annapolis, establishing themselves in that town early enough to announce their first production by June 18. Here they found themselves in a capital city with many of the characteristics of Williamsburg, and with "the characters of the Inhabitants… much the same as the Virginians."⁹⁶ The people of Annapolis held no discrimination against the stage and had formerly been entertained by "Underlings of the Theatre, such as Rope-dancers, Jack Puddings, and Tumblers"⁹⁷ and of course, the inevitable lectures on electricity.⁹⁸ There was also some literary interest in the drama as Jonas Green, publisher of the Maryland Gazette, advertised plays and histories of the theatre for sale.⁹⁹

It has been claimed that the theatre in which the Murray-Kean Company opened was built of brick, especially constructed for their visit.¹⁰⁰ 64. This seems unlikely, although the comedians did advertise as performing "At the New Theatre" which tradition locates on the Duke of Gloucester street. It was also in the advertisements (which were much more frequent than in Williamsburg) that the troupe exhibited some of those characteristics usually attributed to chameleons. Upon their first arrival in Annapolis they billed themselves as the "Company of Comedians" and finally as the "Company of Comedians from Annapolis."

The season opened on June 22 with The Beggar's Opera and The Lying Valet, but no sooner had they opened than they announced their intention of "immediately" performing in Upper Marlborough, Piscataway and Port Tobacco.¹⁰¹ Response in Annapolis was evidently greater than anticipated, for two weeks later a tag was appended to an announcement of The Busy Body, which declared: "As the Company have now got their Hands, Cloaths &c compleat, they now confirm their resolution of going to Upper Marlborough, as soon as ever Encouragement fails here."¹⁰²

"Encouragement" did not fail until the middle of August, and although the General Assembly was to meet in the near future, the company took the road to Upper Marlborough, where they hoped to take advantage of the fun-loving crowds drawn to that place by the races soon to be held there.¹⁰³ They performed in what was referred to as the "New Theatre," but probably was no more than a remodeled warehouse as only pit and gallery seats were sold. On August 20, they opened with the identical bill presented on the first night in Annapolis. The climax of the season in Upper Marlborough occurred on September 14, when "at the Request of the Antient and Honourable 65. Society of Free and Accepted Masons," a special performance of The Beggar's Opera and The Lying Valet was scheduled. Like the earlier but similar occasion in Charleston, this was a gala affair. Instrumental music to accompany the lyrics of the opera was furnished "by a Set of private Gentlemen." other attractions offered on this special night were a solo on the French horn and "A Mason's Song by Mr. Woodham; with a Grand Chorus."¹⁰⁴.

Despite this full house, and with the racing season in Upper Marlborough not yet over, the Murray-Kean Company returned to Annapolis. They re-opened in the capital with The Constant Couple,¹⁰⁵ soon thereafter beginning their benefits with a presentation of Cato on the night of Mr. Eyanson, an actor who had joined the players since their departure from New York.¹⁰⁶

The comedians now seemed almost desperate in their attempt to find a favorable location, rushing from Annapolis to a town in the interior^{? Chester is on the Eastern Shore opposite Annapolis on Chesapeake Bay} and then back again. On the 26th of October they opened in Chester, Maryland, with their usual first night performance of The Beggar's Opera and The Lying Valet.¹⁰⁷ Upon their departure from Annapolis, they were succeeded by "Richard Brickell and Company," whose main stock in trade were three wax figures of Hungarian royalty, a "Curious Brass Piece of Ordnance," and "Prospects" of localities in Europe.¹⁰⁸

Apparently this exhibition fared little better than the Comedians, for they were gone by the first week in December when the Comedians announced 66. their return for December 11. But this time, instead of Murray and Kean taking the lead roles in Richard III. there were two new faces. These were Mr. Wynell and Mr. Herbert, who were listed as "From the Theatre in Williamsburg." Actually their billing was beyond their ability, as they had played only minor supporting roles with the company then playing in Williamsburg, and had^having apparently become disgruntled, and^they had joined the opposition, where they became stars, a rather sad commentary on the acting ability of the Murray-Kean organization. In Richard III they replaced Murray and Kean in the roles of Richard and Richmond. While the company had been on the road, the theatre itself had undergone some refurbishing. A porch had been added to shelter patrons in inclement weather, while the house had been lined throughout, so insulating the auditorium that it was now declared "fit for the Reception of ladies and Gentlemen."¹⁰⁹

Following the succeeding presentation of The Constant Couple featuring Wynell, Kean, Herbert and Miss Osborne,¹¹⁰ another presentation of Richard III was staged as a benefit for the Talbot County Charity School.¹¹¹ In both instances a tart warning to late-comers was included, asserting, "The Curtain to draw up at six o'clock to whatever Company is in the House."

After these productions the company disappeared as suddenly as it had appeared on the theatrical scene. They may have followed through with their announced intention of playing Piscataway and Port Tobacco, but just as reasonable an explanation is that they became insolvent in Annapolis and there disbanded, with the actors going their different ways.

As pointed out earlier, the Murray-Kean Company was for the most part composed of stage-struck tradesmen and their wives. Constantly in financial difficulty and often facing a hostile audience, they managed to survive three years playing in Philadelphia, New York, Williamsburg and Annapolis and the outlying towns. Their importance lies in the fact that they unwittingly had done the job that Robert Upton had been supposed to do and had acted as an advance agent for those to follow, whetting the appetites of the colonials for the drama and sometimes wearing down the opposition. Even now, as they were returning to obscurity, their most prominent successor was producing plays in Williamsburg, initiating a fabulous career that had its beginnings in London by way of Jamaica.

CHAPTER IV
THE HALLAM COMPANY
(Williamsburg, 1752-1753)

Jamaica, strange as it may seem, could very well lay claim to fostering the professional theatre in the American colonies. The island resembled the southern colonies of the mainland economically, politically, and in many ways, aesthetically. It was on this West Indian island that the first planter aristocracy developed, and a wealthy economy had arisen from the profits of the buccaneers who disposed of their loot through its markets in the late seventeenth century. Out of this wealth a gay social life had grown, so gay that Edward Long was to later comment: "Considering the climate and its tendency to rouse the passions, we ought to regard chastity here as no mean effort of female fortitude."¹

In settings of cheer and geniality the theatre came as a natural and welcome development, and as early as 1682 a theatre was reported in Jamaica, possibly to supply the roistering buccaneers with diversion.² In 1740 care was taken to note that the planters of Jamaica "lately have got a Playhouse, where they retain a Set of Extraordinary good Actors."³

The theatre in Jamaica really began in 1745, when a trading vessel dropped anchor off the island and a young Irishman by the name of John 69. Moody disembarked. This eighteen-year-old youth, born in County Cork, the son of a hairdresser by the name of Cochran,⁴ had followed his father's profession in his early years. Finding this a dull and unexciting existence he, like Anthony Aston, developed dramatic aspirations, and like Aston, followed his star. Journeying to London young Cochran had attempted to conceal his humble origin by changing his name to John Moody and claiming England as his native land. But his speech soon revealed his deception. Forsaking the city for the provinces, he became a strolling player, and "As he was naturally a comedian, of course his first efforts were directed to tragedy…"⁵ A thick Celtic brogue did not prove particularly adaptable to the delivery of the sonorous eloquence of the speeches of Macbeth and Othello. When the second Jacobite Rebellion occurred in 1745, it had been rumored that he was a participant, which was possibly the reason for his flying to Jamaica.⁶

Wandering through Jamaica, Moody discovered an amateur company performing plays in a ballroom and to them he offered his services. They allowed him "to revel in all the heroes of Shakespeare," which, despite his declamatory defects, so delighted the planters of the island that he became an immediate success. Moody was shrewd enough to recognize success and deciding to capitalize on the enthusiasm of his audience, he proposed to erect a regular theatre in Jamaica and then return to England and recruit a company of professionals. This suggestion met with a warm reception, 70. and the following year Moody returned with his actors to open the play­house. His success bordered on the spectacular, and Moody was soon on the way towards accumulating a small fortune. The climate and fevers of the island took their toll among the players and once again he made the voyage to England seeking new players. Among those with whom he returned^{who accompanied him to Jamaica} were several who were, within a few years, destined to play an important role in the development of American drama: namely, David Douglass and the Owen Morrises. In all probability it was this company which entertained a young George Washington with Lillo's George Barnwell on November 15, 1751.^{7chronology is confusing here} It was soon after this that Moody returned to England, where he had received flattering offers to play supporting roles to the fabulous David Garrick. David Douglass and the other members continued to tour, on shares, with the company in the islands.⁸

Actors have never been noted for their ability to keep a secret^{who else have?}, and without a doubt the word of Moody's extraordinary good fortune spread rapidly throughout the profession. Among those who became aware of this new field for theatrical endeavor was a family who had been long active on the English stage—the Hallams. Adam and Anne Hallam had five sons, four of whom, William, Lewis, George and Thomas, became actors, while the fifth son chose a naval career. Adam Hallam never became an outstanding performer, but as early as 1731 he had been listed in the casts of the plays presented at the annual Bartholomew Fair.⁹ When the annual 71. Canterbury races were being run two years later, it was announced that the comedians from both the royal playhouses (who were then closed for vacation) would play in that town. Listed among the players was the "Hallam Family," composed of Mr. and Mrs. Hallam, A. Hallam, W. Hallam, Young Hallam and Miss Hallam. Mrs. Hallam was starred as Lady Macbeth, with Miss Hallam in the role of the Duke of York, who spoke an epilogue of thanks to the town.¹⁰ Adam Hallam had also gained a measure of success for his ingenuity in developing the stage armor used in Richard III. His peculiar mannerism "of pulling down his ruffles and rolling his stockings, joined to a good deal of diligence" so intrigued the manager of Covent Garden, John Rich, that Hallam was signed for an engagement of seven years at a considerable salary. At the expiration of this contract he was dismissed and ended his days an itinerant actor. When Moody returned from Jamaica, Hallam had just finished a creditable job of translating the Beggar's Opera into French.¹¹

The long engagement of Adam Hallam may have been partly due to the kinship of Anne, his second wife, with John Rich. Anne was an actress of "uncommon merit,"¹² and despite her unusual girth; was considered a beautiful woman. Because of her popularity with London audiences, she often appeared in roles which were not consistent with her figure.¹² Such was her corpulence that it was later said, CONTEMPORARY VIEW OF DEATH OF THOMAS HALLAM
Courtesy Harvard Theatre Collection 72. "By her death, the boards of old Drury were relieved from a load of fourteen stone weight."¹³

Thomas Hallam, who appears to have been the eldest of the sons, was the victim of one of the most sensational accidents of the day. Charles Macklin, whose "skill in acting is acknowledged to be superior to that of any man,"¹⁴ quarrelled with Hallam over the possession of a theatrical wig. In a fit of passion Macklin seized a cane from the hands of an on­looker and thrust it into the eye of Hallam, who died the following day. In the ensuing trial although it was testified that Hallam "had no friends" and that Macklin was "a Man of a quiet and peaceable Disposition," the jury found him guilty of manslaughter.¹⁵ This adjudgement apparently required no prison sentence for Macklin was within a short time playing his parts on the London stage with his usual aplomb.¹⁶

The next oldest brother, William Hallam, had begun his career with the Theatre Royal, but on April 20, 1739, he had announced the opening of a bowling green and the New Well's Theatre in Goodman's Fields. Initially, his programs were presentations of acrobats with an occasional farce, until November 26, 1744, when he produced The Recruiting Officer. William Hallam had gained some acting experience in playing minor parts at Covent Garden during the 1730's, but he never performed in his own 73. theatre. Among the plays that he produced in the New Well's were The Beggar's Opera, Love For Love, Hamlet, Jane Shore and The Tempest. Threatened with a legal conflict with the licensing law, he resorted to evasion by sandwiching a play in between the acts of a concert. Increased pressure by the authorities led to the presentation of pantomimes and harlequinades, but he returned to the production of plays when official surveillance lessened. Early in 1747 ^afterproceedings were undertaken against Hallam, for illegally operating a theatre, and he now employed devious and ingenious methods as a means of circumventing the law. During the early months of 1751 patrons of his playhouse were admitted "for wine"—but Hallam sold the wine and the price was high. This practice was interrupted as a public nuisance and in February his case was brought before the Lord Chancellor, but he still managed to keep his theatre operating until ^onDecember 18, 1751, when it was closed for good.¹⁷

Among the actors performing in the theatre in Goodman's Fields had been William's brother and sister-in-law—the Lewis Hallams. Lewis Hallam had contented himself with playing supporting roles, while his more talented wife was playing^took feminine leads in such plays as Othello and Henry IV. One of her last parts had been that of Portia in The Merchant of Venice.¹⁸

The news of the success of the overseas theatre must have seemed a godsend to the harassed William Hallam. He decided to tap this source of possible solvency. Gathering a group of his now unemployed players at his home, they formulated plans for the venture. These actors may have been supplemented by players from one of the "Nurseries," where young 74. aspirants for the stage were trained.¹⁹ Others may have selected from the unemployed actors who haunted the inns in the vicinity of Covent Garden.²⁰ As "backer," William Hallam was able to furnish play-scripts, scenery and costumes from his now defunct theatre. A theatrical company was formed, which took on the nature of a corporation. The number of shares was limited at eighteen. The adult performers totalled twelve, each of whom were entitled to one share. Lewis Hallam was allowed an additional share as manager, and still another share was assigned for the services of his three children: a fifteen-year-old girl, whose name may have been Helen,²¹ and two sons, twelve-year-old Lewis, Jr., and Adam, who had reached the age of ten. Four shares were to be used for operating expenses and from them the profits were to be drawn. Lewis Hallam was to be the field manager, while William was to remain in London as "viceroy over him."²²

In addition to the Hallams and their children, the company consisted of ten other adults. Although Mrs. Hallam was to play the feminine leads, her husband realized his own shortcomings and assigned the male leads to Mr. Rigby, who was perhaps the best actor in the entire group, Lewis Hallam reserved for himself the parts of principal comedian and serious old men. Next in importance was Mr. Malone, who may possibly have been a long-time friend of the family, as a person by that name was playing bit parts with the strolling players as early as 1732.²³ He played many 75. of the top supporting characters, both serious and comic, among them the roles of Shylock and Lear. Mrs. Adcock was recognized as the second lady of the troupe, playing heavy tragedy, second comedy parts and the better old woman roles. Her husband was primarily a vocalist, who was not only to furnish incidental songs between the acts, but was also cast in singing parts. Mr. Singleton was the ^a light comedian, in addition to being a person of^with some literary talent, to prove^d useful^helpful in the composition of original prologues and epilogues. The remaining members, Mr. and Mrs. Clarkson, Mrs. Rigby, Mr. Wynell and Mr. Herbert "were of the class called useful."²⁴ Behind them in England the Hallams were to leave an elder daughter who, within five years, was appearing on the stage of Covent Gardens,²⁵ and who was later to become the famous Mrs. Mattocks, for many years "the chief support of Covant Garden."²⁶

The repertoire of the company consisted of a careful selection of the most popular plays, including Shakespeare, then playing on the London stage. Their wardrobe was good by eighteenth-century standards, but the costumes were, for the most part, contemporary. The scenery was better than average, but within nine years all the properties of the troupe were to be assessed at the equivalent of $1,000.²⁷ There was also the problem 76. of theatres, but Lewis Hallam, through his association with John Rich, should have been well versed in the operating methods of the playhouse. Rich was famous for his mechanical developments at Covent Garden.²⁸

As a precaution, the Hallams, in October, sent over Robert Upton to solicit the necessary permissions to perform, erect suitable buildings and settle any petty details which might arise.. To this first advance agent in American theatrical history, William Hallam "advanc'd no inconsiderable Sum." Upton, as has been seen, had dramatic ambitions beyond his talents, and had joined "that Sett of Pretenders," the Murray-Kean Company. After his departure his employers heard nothing from him and could only sit and wait. Finally in April, 1752, at the urging of "several Gentlemen in London" and ship captains from Virginia, they made their preparations to embark. In early May they sailed in the sloop of Captain William Lee, the Charming Sally.²⁹

The Sally sailed to Virginia by way of Barbados, and on calm days the quarterdeck would be taken over by the actors rehearsing their plays,³⁰ possibly much to the delight of those sailors off-duty. Their acting was that of the bombastic style and declamatory speeches typified by James Quin, rather than the more modern and realistic natural acting which had been introduced by David Garrick in 1741.³¹

On June 2, the Charming Sally dropped anchor at Yorktown, Virginia,³² whence the players travelled overland to Williamsburg. Upon reaching the capital of Virginia, Lewis Hallam very probably rented a house and lodged his troupe all under one roof, as he later did in New York.³³ In any event, the name of Hallam was not unknown to the Virginians, for there had been people by that name in the colony as early as 1636.³⁴ Thus it was a familiar name which appeared in the Virginia Gazette on June 12, 1752, when the following advertisement was inserted:

This Is To Inform The Public
That Mr. Hallam, from the New Theatre in Goodmansfields, is daily expected here with a select Company of Comedians, the Scenes, Cloaths and Decorations are all entirely new, extremely rich, and finished in the highest Taste, the Scenes being painted by the best Hands in London are excell1d by none in Beauty and Elegance, so that the Ladies and Gentlemen may depend on being entertain1d in as polite a Manner as at the Theatres in London, the Company being perfected in all the best Plays, Opera's, Farces, and Pantomines, that have been exhibited in any of the Theatres for these ten years past.³⁵

Despite the use of the phrase, "is daily expected," the Company had already arrived in town and had made application to Governor Robert Dinwiddie for permission to perform in Williamsburg. The release of the players from the close confines of shipboard had resulted in what some of the inhabitants termed "loose behaviour," reports of which had apparently 78. been transmitted to the Governor. In the last General Assembly there had also apparently been some agitation for a bill "suppressing ordinaries and players,"³⁶ which could have had its origin in the visit by the Murray-Kean Company of the year before.

On June 13, the day following Hallam's first announcement in the paper, Governor Dinwiddie referred the manager's request to the consideration of the Council. The ^{In its} opinion of the Council was that the Governor "would not permit or suffer them to act or exhibit any plays or theatrical Entertainments in this Government."³⁷ This recommendation was followed by Dinwiddie ^{accordingly refused the} and the necessary permission was refused, a course which could have meant disaster to the comedians. Lewis Hallam was not easily discouraged, for he continued to run his notice in the two succeeding issues of the Gazette.³⁸

This pronouncement of the Governor's nearly proved "the utter ruin of a set of idle wretches," and Hallam seems to have complained of the injustice of the action to anyone who would lend a willing ear. George Gilmer learned that the adventure had thus far cost the manager a total of at least £1,000. At last, "the voice of the Country, and proper application" broke down the resistance of the Governor, who issued the dispensation.³⁹

In this period of anxiety, at least one of the players resorted to his ingenuity as a means of supplementing his income. John Singleton advertised that he would instruct upon the violin to interested persons in THE MERCHANT OF VENICE
Courtesy Harvard Theatre Collection 79. Williamsburg, Yorktown, Hampton and Norfolk.⁴⁰

The approbation of executive authority opened the way for Lewis Hallam, who now had to secure a building in which his players could perform. He purchased, for a consideration of £150, 10 shillings, the play­house owned by Alexander Finnie,⁴¹ who had recently publicly announced his intentions of selling the Raleigh Tavern also and taking passage for England.⁴² The theatre, as originally constructed, could have been little more than an empty barn-like building, for Hallam was forced to enlarge and line it,⁴³ and he otherwise "altered the Play-House… to a regular Theatre, fit for the Reception of Ladies and Gentlemen, and the Execution of their own Performance… " On August 21, the reconstruction was so nearly completed that it could be announced that the theatre would be opened on the first Friday in September with a presentation of The Merchant of Venice and the farce, The Anatomist, or Sham Doctor. Evidently expecting a large crowd, Hallam warned the ladies to bespeak their places early, and on the day of the performance to send their servants early in the afternoon to hold their seats "to prevent Trouble and Disappointment."⁴⁴

Historians of the American theatre have claimed that this first performance in Williamsburg was on September 5, rather than the actual date of September 15. They have apparently assumed that the Virginia Gazette was guilty of a typographical error when the issue of August 28, 1752, stated that the Merchant of Venice would be acted "on Friday next, being the 15th 80. of September." The explanation lies in the fact that 1752 was the year in which the Gregorian Calendar was adopted, and the days between September 2 and 14 were omitted.

Lewis Hallam chose well in selecting a play for his first presentation in America. The Merchant of Venice was not calculated to offend the most sensitive of tastes, and Shakespeare was already a literary favorite in the colony. This play, as presented, was an expurgated version, but nevertheless the playbill carefully noted that it had been "Written by Shakespear." John Singleton, "a man of pleasing and gentlemanly manners" and a poet of no mean ability, composed a special prologue to be delivered by Mr. Rigby, "a general player of no ordinary merit."⁴⁵ The lines of this opening address indicated that they were the anointed of the gods to bring culture and civilization to the colony:

The Muse still labor'd to encrease her Fame:
Summ'd her Agents quickly to appear,
Haste to Virginia's Plains, my Sons, repair,
The Goddess said Go, confident to find
An audience sensible, polite, and kind.

We heard and strait obey'd; from Britain's shore
These unknown climes advent'ring to explore:
For us then, and our Muse, thus low I bend,
Nor fear to find in each the warmest Friend;
Each smiling aspect dissipates our Fear,
We ne'er can fail to find Protection here;
The stage is ever Wisdom's fav'rite Care;
Accept our Labours then, approve our Pains,
Your smiles will please us as equal to our Gains;
And as you all esteem the Darling Muse,
The gen'rus Plaudit you will not refuse.

⁴⁶

After these ringing declamations had been recited by Rigby, he retired back-stage and the curtain rose on the first performance of a theatrical troupe which was destined to become one of the most famous in the annals of the American stage. The title role of Antonio was played by Mr. 81. Clarkson, with Singleton as Gratiano and Rigby as Bassanio. Patrick Valone, playing Shylock and disregarding new interpretations of the role which made the Jew a sympathetic character, "made the part that Shakespeare drew a mere farce part."⁴⁷ Hallam resigned himself to the part of Launcelot, while the beautiful and talented Mrs. Hallam was the only woman in the company who was capable of playing Portia.⁴⁸ Hallam displayed every trick of the profession to gain the approval of the audience. Realizing the tendency of the spectators to spontaneously applaud children upon the stage, regardless of their acting ability,⁴⁹ he cast his young son Lewis Jr. as a servant of Portia. The lad had only one line to speak, but in his first appearance before an audience he developed such an acute case of stage­fright that he burst into tears and fled from the stage.⁵⁰

The Merchant of Venice was witnessed by "a numerous and polite Audience," who received the efforts of the company "with great applause."⁵¹ Little did this audience realize the significance of the play which they received so well. This production marked the inauguration of a more dignified drama in America and the beginning of the continuous history of the American Theatre.⁵²

As Mr. Adcock, who played Lorenzo, sang his "Songs in Character," he was more than likely accompanied at the harpsichord by a man wearing a 82. gray coat, who peered at the music through his "Temple Spectacles," in the dim light;⁵³ a man by the name of Cuthbert Ogle, the leading musician of Williamsburg at this time.⁵⁴ It may also be supposed that he was accompanied on the violin by the gifted John Singleton, when the latter's presence was not required on the stage.

The company was a success. Three nights a week they played to large crowds, and during these periods when the court was held receipts were sometimes as large as £300 per performance; yet "Notwithstanding they take so much money never were debts worse paid…" Forgetting his own dramatic efforts sixteen years earlier, Apothecary George Gilmer continued to grumble, "The money kept burning till they opened and then it flew among this Association of indigent wretches with a lavishness you would be surprised at."⁵⁵

The absence of playbills or advertisements in the local press of subsequent productions again leads to a hiatus in the records of the plays presented. It is only reasonable to make the supposition that they played the same repertoire in Williamsburg which they presented^{was repeated} in New York the following Summer. If so, the season saw the acting of such favorites as The Constant Couple, Love For Love, George Barnwell, The Distrest Mother, Richard III, The Careless Husband, The Beaux Stratagem, The Fair Penitent, The Twin Rivals, The Drummer, King Lear, Woman Is A Riddle, The Conscious Lovers, Jane Shore, The Gamester, The Earl of Essex, The Suspicious Husband, The Albion Queens, The Beggar's Opera, Romeo and 83. Juliet, with a large selection of the more popular farces, or afterpieces, of the day.

Six or seven weeks after the opening of the theatre, the Hallam Company became participants in one of the social events of the season. Soon after the first of November, the "Emperor" of the Cherokee Nation, accompanied by "his Empress and their Son the Young Prince attended by several of his Warriors and great Men and their ladies," came to Williamsburg "to renew the Treaty of Friendship with this Government."⁵⁶ Governor Dinwiddie, with rare diplomacy, treated the savages as visiting European royalty. On Thursday, November 9, 1752, they were taken^{to the theatre} to see Othello, playing that night at the theatre. The pantomime afterpiece, possibly a variation of the Harlequin theme, "gave them great Surprize," although they must have been delighted with the gamboling of the mischievous Harlequin. When, during the course of the play, the actors fought with naked swords, the "Empress" turned to several of her warriors and bade them halt the action on the stage to prevent "their killing one another." The festivities of the following evening were of a milder nature, but even more spectacular. The entire town was illuminated, and there was a ball plus "a very elegant Entertainment at the Palace." Although there was no activity in the playhouse, Lewis Hallam was involved in the night's amusements. He exhibited "several Beautiful Fireworks" in Palace Street, before an assemblage which included the native visitors and "a brilliant Appearance of Ladies and Gentlemen."⁵⁷

A short time after the first of December the theatre was a scene of violence which was not a part of any prepared script. About eleven o'clock 84. on the night of December 7, a white man accompanied by two Negroes, forced their way into the darkened building, where they were discovered by Patrick Malone. Overpowering the actor, they "violently assaulted" him, and then threw him upon the iron spikes which separated the pit from the stage. One of the spikes penetrated his leg to such an extent that he hung suspended there for some time until he was rescued by some Negroes who had possibly heard his pleas for help. A reward was offered for the capture of "The Villains that perpetrated this horrid Fact," but there is nothing to indicate that they were ever apprehended. For some time Malone was incapacitated by his wounds.⁵⁸

As the season wore on the players began to outfit themselves for their travels through the colonies. Alexander Craig made saddles and harness for several of them, and sometimes accepted play tickets in partial payment for his labors. Notwithstanding the large receipts reported taken in by the company, several of them were suffering some financial distress. After doing some work for Singleton, Craig noted in his account book, "I took his Bond of £ 3.5. ½ & give it to Lewis Hallam to get the money at New York & remitt to me. A.C."⁵⁹

Two of the members of the company had already become disgruntled and had left Hallam to join the Murray-Kean Company in Annapolis. Although they played lead roles with Murray-Kean, a study of the parts in which they had been cast in the Hallam Company indicates that their departure occasioned no great loss.

The season in Williamsburg lasted for eleven months. Lewis Hallam had solicited information as to the next place at which his troupe could perform with profit. Upon the advice of "several Gentlemen," the decision was made to go to New York, where they had been told:

That we should not fail of a genteel and favorable Reception; that the Inhabitants were generous and polite, naturally fond of Diversions rational, particularly those of the theatre: Nay, they even told us of a very fine Play-House Building, and that we were really expected. This was Encouragement sufficient for us…⁶⁰

Before his departure on May 19, Hallam deeded to Edward Charlton, peruke-maker, and John Stretch, book-keeper and Deputy Postmaster, the lots on which the playhouse stood for a recorded price of five shillings.⁶¹

It was well that he did. Hallam himself would never again have use for a playhouse in Williamsburg.

CHAPTER V THE TOUR OF THE HALLAM COMPANY, 1752-1754
(New York, Philadelphia, Charleston, and Jamaica)

When Lewis Hallam left Williamsburg for New York, he undoubtedly was experienced enough in the ways of colonial proceedings to have secured a "character," or certificate of good behavior from Governor Dinwiddie, to exhibit when applying for permission to play in a new town. This precaution would have availed him little in New York in the summer of 1753. There he ran afoul of those prejudices which had possibly been aroused during the visits of the Murray-Kean and Upton Companies. A description, although not contemporary, indicates that the conduct of the earlier companies could hardly be used as a character reference for those who followed. The New York National Advocate, in 1821, summarized the off-stage activities of what could only have been the Murray-Kean or Upton company when it spoke of this group of "roystering young men, full of tricks and mischief; who used to gambol in the fields where St. Paul's church now stands, and who spent their night in the boat house, and amused themselves with snap dragons and hot cockles, during the winter evening."¹

A group of the leading citizens led by William Livingston, feeling that the theatre should be classed among those luxuries injurious to the morals of the city, strongly protested granting to the new arrivals the 87. necessary permission to play.² The governor, reacting to this pressure group, withheld his approbation, and Hallam carried his arguments to the people. On July 2, 1753, the New York Mercury reported "The CASE of the London Company of COMEDIANS, lately arrived from Virginia, humbly submitted to the Consideration of the Publick; whose Servants they are, and whose Protection they intreat." In this supplication all the trials and tribulations encountered by his company were listed. Hallam also emphatically disclaimed any relationship with the Murray-Kean Company, whom he contemptuously dismissed as "that Sett of Pretenders," and went on to defend his own position:

…if the worthy Magistrates would consider this in our Favour, that it must rather turn out a publick Advantage and Pleasure, than a private Injury; They would, we make no Doubt, grant Permission, and give us an Opportunity to convince them, that we were not cast in the same Mould with our Theatrical Predecessors; or that in private Life or publick Occupation, we have the least Affinity to them.³

This appeal roused the adherents of the theatre from their lethargy, and their voices, coupled with the "entreaties of the young beauties so urgent," wore down the opposition. The permission was eventually granted; it did not, however, meet with universal approval. Mathew Clarkson penned a sour observation:

We are to have the diversions of the Stage the Season. There are Severale actors from some part of Europe, who after much Solissitation have at last obtain'd leave of his Excellency to perform. they talk of Building a house for that purpose, and have offered themselves to Subscribe £ 100 for the Encouragement of it. This is a Melencholy Story among considerate persons that so small a place as this is, should Encourage the toleration of such publick diversions. People are dayly murmuring at the badness of the times as tho' they were actually concern'd for their Interest, but their conduct proves a contradiction to it. For men in every profession are ever fond of some party of pleasure or other, and as if they not room enough to spend their money that way, they must for all put themselves under greater temptations in going to the play house. this I speak with regard 88. to those who are scarcely above want; these sort of people are the most fond of it which makes the Toleration of Publick Diversion be greater Nusance to a Place Especially as it contains so few Inhabitants.⁴

While the theatre was under construction, another attraction arrived in town which very possibly may have diverted some money which might have been spent in the playhouse. In "a new House built for that Purpose," Anthony Joseph Dugee, who claimed oriental affiliations, entertained his audiences with performances on the slack wire,⁶ and was later joined by his muscular wife who was billed as "The Female Sampson."⁷

In the face of this robust competition, Hallam opened his "New Theatre in Nassau-Street" on September 17 with the comedy, The Conscious Lovers coupled with the farce, Damon and Phillida.⁸ The dramatis personae of the "Company of Comedians from London" had now been enlarged to include Mrs. Beccely, the singing soubrette of the Murray-Kean Company—additional evidence that the old company had been disbanded. Her ability was such that she was assigned the major feminine supporting parts. Master Lewis Hallam, Jr. had now recovered sufficiently from his initial stage-fright at Williamsburg to re-appear in the first of a long series of roles. 89. Helen, the oldest of the Hallam children, was also cast in a minor role, while her father, Lewis Sr., buried himself in a not-too-important part of the farce. Rigby and Mrs. Hallam were the starring performers on this opening night, and Rigby greeted the audience with a new occasional prologue, while Mrs. Hallam bade them farewell with an epilogue "adress'd to the Ladies."⁹

Among the spectators sitting in the boxes was young Philip Schuyler, who had sailed down the Hudson for a holiday in the city. Before he left home he had determined to attend the theatre if the actors were in town as reported, "for a player is a new thing under the sun in our good province." Upon his arrival he first paid his respects to the governor and then Schuyler and his friends:

…bought our play tickets for eight shillings apiece at Parker and Weyman's printing-office, in Beamer Street, on our return. We had tea at five o'clock, and before sundown we were in the theatre, for the players commenced at six. The room was quite full already…

A large green curtain hung before the players until they were ready to begin, when, on the blast of a whistle, it was raised, and some of them appeared and commenced acting. The play was called The Conscious Lovers, written, you know, by Sir Richard Steele, Addison's help in writing the Spectator. Hallam, and his wife and sister, all performed, and a sprightly young man named Hulett played the violin and danced merrily. But I said I could not tell you about the play, so I will forbear, only adding that I was no better pleased than I should have been at the club, where, last year, I went with cousin Stephen, and heard many wise sayings which I hope profited me something.¹⁰

The "sprightly young man named Hulett" had not been listed in the playbills and had recently been enlisted by the company as a dancer. Like the Hallams, he had an English theatrical heritage. The two families 90. had possibly been acquainted in England where a Mr. Hulett, probably his father, had appeared at the fairs at the same time as the elder Hallam,¹¹ and had later played at Lincoln Inn's Fields.¹² In the Summer of 1752, the youthful William Hulett had appeared in Annapolis, Maryland, with a Mrs. Love as a dancing partner. Their subsequent arrival in New York was noted by Mrs. Love's husband, Charles, advertising the opening of a music school.¹³ All three had been added to the Hallam Company, and may have actually been sent over by William Hallam as reinforcements for the troupe. Mrs. Love was to become prominent as a ballad singer, while Charles was engaged to play the harpsichord in the playhouse.¹⁴ After Hulett's success on the opening night, his appearances were duly noted in the succeeding playbills.¹⁵

As the season progressed, Hallam alternated Singleton, Rigby and Malone in the lead roles as their ability warranted. But these three could not claim starring roles as a personal privilege; Adcock, Bell and Miller also played an occasional lead. Mrs. Hallam apparently was given her choice of roles. The children, with the exception of Adam, appeared regularly. Adam, now twelve years old and the youngest of the trio, only appeared in productions calling for a large cast, with his most important part as the Duke of York in Richard III.

Although Lewis Hallam limited himself to comparatively minor appearances on the stage, he worked hard as a manager. Advertisements displayed 91. a crude, though popular, sense of humor in such instances as the announcement of the presentation of the farce, Tom Thumb The Great, which was termed "the most tragical Tragedy that ever was tragediz'd by any Company of Tragedians."¹⁶ When it was discovered that singing and dancing were popular with the audience, more diversions of that nature were included in the program. Hulett began to appear in some minor roles, and his dancing was nearly always featured between the acts. He was even allowed to add a tag to the newspaper advertisements announcing that he also taught "Dancing in genera1."¹⁷ Occasionally the entire cast would perform "a Country Dance."¹⁸

Eighteenth-century audiences demonstrated that in some respects they differed little from those of a later vintage. Late-comers not only interrupted the performance, but sometimes even delayed the first-act curtain. This practice became so prevalent that a warning was inserted in the bills that the curtain would go up precisely at the stated time, softening the sting by adding, "… it would be a great Inconvenience for them [the audience] to be kept out late, and a Means to prevent disappointments."¹⁹ A particularly brilliant audience attended in late December. The Masons had celebrated the Festival of St. John at Trinity Church, and by their request, The Conscious Lovers was played that night at the theatre. The members of the Order in full regalia, when added to the regular patrons, filled the house to capacity. Hallam devised a program suitable to the occasion: 92.

Several pieces of vocal Music, in Praise of the Fraternity, were performed, between the Acts. An Epilogue, suitable to the Occasion, was presented by Mrs. Hallam, with all the Graces of Gesture, and the Propriety of Elocution; and met with universal and loud Applause.

By February 4 the benefits had begun to appear, and the crowds had increased to the point that the box section was enlarged "For the better Accommodation of the Ladies." The indulgence of the audience was such that when Rigby announced his benefit along with his "Pleuretic Disorder," he was bold enough to suggest that his benefactors send for their tickets rather than his calling upon them to solicit their attendance, as was the custom.²¹ When the Hallam children had their benefit in early March, both Lewis, Jr. and Helen appeared in minor roles, but Lewis displayed additional ability by singing "As Chloe Came into the Room" and "The reasonable Lover." An excuse for Adam's appearance on the stage was called "A Punch's Dance."²² On March 18, the New York season ended with the Beggar's Opera, the benefit for Mr. and Mrs. Love, which marked Mr. Love's only advertised appearance—a solo on the "Hautboy," or oboe.²³ One week later a succinct notice presented evidence that the season had been successful: "Lewis Hallam, Comedian, intending for Philadelphia, begs the favour of those that has any demands upon him, to bring in their accounts, and receive their money."²⁴ At least the company was now solvent enough to pay their debts.

Some time before the end of the season, Lewis Hallam had been approached by several gentlemen from Philadelphia, who invited him to bring his company 93. to that city—if permission could be obtained. Several of the group pledged themselves to forestall religious opposition and it was suggested that Hallam apply to Governor Hamilton for the necessary permission.²⁵ Antagonism toward actors was no longer present within the executive branch of the government of Pennsylvania, especially since the death of William Penn, whose sons and heirs did not accept the basic concepts of their religion so seriously as did their father.²⁶

As an envoy to the Governor, Hallam selected Patrick Malone, a man of engaging personality, and possessing "a tongue that could wheedle with the devil." But Malone was no dullard, and seized this opportunity to better his prospects in return for his services. The price that he demanded in the event of the successful accomplishment of his mission was that he was henceforth to be guaranteed the parts of Falstaff in Henry IV and The Merry Wives of Windsor in addition to that of Don Louis in Love Makes The Man, or, The Fop's Fortune.²⁷

Malone tried, but his diplomacy was not sufficient to accomplish the task. The news that the players were coming to town split the city into two hostile camps. An angry "A.B." in the Pennsylvania Gazette attacked "the infamous Characters of the Actors and Actresses" and decried "the inhumanely impudent Dances and Songs." The minds of the audience were "polluted and debauched," even if there were no objections to the play itself, because "the ingenious Contrivance of the Managers entirely prevents the Good Effect of any worthy Sentiment expressed in the Play, by introducing a painted Strumpet at the End of every Act, to cut Capers on 94. the Stage in such an impudent and unwomanly Manner, as must make the most shocking Impressions on every Mind… "²⁸

Hallam went to the rescue of his emissary. The Quakers presented a petition to the governor pleading for the prohibition of the plays, which was followed by counter-petitions signed by the friends of the theatre. The persuasiveness of Hallam and his friends was more effective than the cries of the opposition. Governor Hamilton issued the necessary sanction, but imposed rather stringent restrictions upon the players. The London Company was permitted to stage their plays on the condition that they "offered nothing indecent or immoral." In the event of violation of this restriction, the permission to play would be immediately rescinded. The company was to be allowed to present twenty-four plays, but it was agreed that the receipts of one night were to be appropriated for the use of the poor. To protect those who extended credit to the actors, Hallam was to give bond to cover the payment of all debts contracted by the players.²⁹ Despite these rigid injunctions, Hallam prepared to go to Philadelphia, first selling the Nassau Street theatre to a society of German Calvinists for the equivalent of $1,250.³⁰

The opposition by no means simmered down with the arrival of the thespians. There was a very evident feeling of hostility in the air, and the actors were subjected to verbal condemnations from the pulpit and to the literary efforts of churchmen whose rage bordered on fanaticism. Shortly before his opening night Hallam attempted to appease the opponents of the theatre by issuing a pamphlet which he "Recommended to the Perusal 95. and Serious Considerations of the Professors of Christianity in the City of Philadelphia" and was immediately answered with opposition pamphlets denouncing the evils found in the playhouse.³¹ Protest meetings were called to formulate strategy to fight this serpent that had appeared within their bowels. The Quakers were reinforced by the Presbyterians, who, notwithstanding their vigorous denunciation of the theatre, had displayed no qualms in sponsoring a lottery as a means of paying for the steeple of their new church.³²

The building used to house the actors was still Plumstead's warehouse,³³ but it had been remodeled by the London Company to the extent that it could now be termed "The New Theatre in Water-Street." The building had been so altered that seats in the pit, boxes and gallery were now advertised. On April 15 the season opened with a socially and morally innocuous play and afterpiece, The Fair Penitent and Miss In Her Teens. The new prologue and epilogue recited upon this occasion seem to have been motivated by an attitude of self-righteousness and self-defense on the part of the players. Mr. Rigby, in the prologue, which was possibly composed by Singleton, played upon the old theme, "The World's a Stage, where Mankind acts their parts." Conceding the stage had "sometimes stray'd from what was pure and just," the actor reminded his audience that also:

Has she not oft, with awful virtuous Rage,
Struck home at Vice — and nobly trod the Stage?
Made Tyrants weep, the conscious Murd'rer stand
And drop the Dagger from his trembling Hand?

³⁴

In the epilogue, rather than risk fanning the passions of the dissidents to a higher flame, Mrs. Hallam attributed the responsibility for censure of the stage to an old enemy of protestant Pennsylvania—the Catholic Church—as she spoke these lines:

Much has been said in this reforming Age,
To damn in gross, the Business of the stage,
Some, for this End, in Terms not quite so civil,
Have given both Plays and Players to the Devil.
With red-hot Zeal, in dreadful Pomp they come;
And bring their flaming Tenets warm from Rome.

³⁵

The condemnations of the more devout element did not prevent the first night from being received "with Universal Applause" by "a numerous and polite Audience."³⁶ The newspaper accounts did not, however, mention the uproar in the audience which occurred in the middle of the play. The action upon the stage was interrupted when one of the petitioners against the actors was discovered sitting in the pit. Order was restored and the play allowed to continue only when this "Spy" had been ejected, "head and shoulders," from the playhouse.³⁷

This abuse of one of its members only served to solidify the opposition. There was a continuation of the disputation relative to the ^{The dispute over} virtues and vices of the stage ^continued when "A.B." and "Y.Z." maintained the same theme of the "dreadful View of the ruinous Effects of Passion let loose," which had originated before the arrival of the Hallam Company.³⁸ An observer of a later date has commented, "Through the whole season the venom of these ascetics was spouted broadcast over the community."³⁹

At Lewis Hallam's benefit on May 27, Tunbridge Walks; or The Yeoman of Kent was added to the repertoire; and as a farce the old favorite Flora, now re-titled The Country Wake; or, Hob in the Well, was offered.⁴⁰

As was the custom, the three Hallam children were included among the list of benefits, and Lewis seized upon this opportunity to emphasize the promotion of integrity and morality upon the stage. He carefully selected The Gamester and Miss In Her Teens, both suitable vehicles for child actors, but the inept Adam was omitted from the cast.^4l Both the playbill and newspaper advertisements were concluded with a paragraph proclaiming the virtuous intents of the theatre as represented in The Gamester:

As the principal Business of the Stage is, or should be, to satyrize Vice, and represent her in her true Colours, that Youth, and the Unexperienced, may receive Instructions, and be the better able to guard against, and avoid her enchanting Deceptions… And indeed, in this Age of the world, a Play, representing the ruinous Consequence of the bewitching Practice, is perfectly seasonable, and the Author, from his Performance, merits at least the Thanks of Mankind. This Tragedy is written in Prose, after the manner of George Barnwell, and as it has not long been published, there may not, perhaps, be many Copies of it in this Place; but some Account of the Dramatick Characters may be seen in the Gentleman's Magazine for February, 1753; After this it may then suffice to say, That, considering the moral Tendency of this excellent Piece, to see it acted on the Stage, is not, nor cannot be unworthy of any Rank of People; for it must be allowed by all that know the World, that this Custom is so prevalent now-a-days, that Men have less to fear, even from constitutional Passions, than from this many headed Monster, GAMING.⁴²

Hallam apparently had policed well the behavior of his players and coupled with their willingness to perform for charitable purposes, this ^{their good behavior} was a factor leading to their being granted an additional six performances. The season finally ended on Thursday, June 27, with The Provok'd Husband and Miss In Her Teens. In her farewell epilogue Mrs. Hallam reiterated the basic theme of the stage:

That here the World in Minature you see,
And all Mankind are Play'rs as well as we.

⁴⁷

One event which occurred in Philadelphia was probably more significant than any other during the season of 1754—a visit from William Hallam. 99. After the "Company of Comedians from London" had more or less successfully established themselves in Virginia, he had re-opened the "New Wells" in Goodmansfields on November, 1752. All five plays which he produced, and in which he had acted, were for the benefit of himself.⁴⁸ This experiment had not been too profitable, for, while in Philadelphia he allowed Lewis Hallam to purchase his shares in the troupe.⁴⁹ After William's return to London, the only record of the remaining years of his life was that a benefit was given for him at Sadler Wells in 1756 because "of being turned out of his house."⁵⁰

Lewis Hallam was perhaps fortunate in that the number of performances in Philadelphia had been limited. Soon after his departure, the Reverend George Whitefield appeared in the city and preached "to large and crouded Auditories."⁵¹ If the pattern of the past had been repeated, the theatre would have fallen on difficult times.

Former historians of the early American theatre have assumed that Hallam and his company sailed from Philadelphia directly to the island of Jamaica in 1754.⁵² They did indeed sail in that general direction, but on October 3, the "Company of Comedians from London," announced a performance of The Fair Penitent at Charleston.⁵³ The interval between this appearance and the date of their last production afforded ample time for 100. the voyage and the construction of the "New Theatre" in which they performed.

From the first production, which was received "much to the satisfaction of the Audience,"⁵⁴ to the final performance of the season the pattern established by the Hallam Company in other localities was followed, although in no instance were the actors identified. The Fair Penitent was followed by A Bold Stroke For A Wife,⁵⁵ The Orphan,⁵⁶ Cato,⁵⁷ The Recruiting Officer,⁵⁸ and possibly the remainder of their repertoire which was not advertised in the local South Carolina Gazette. The General Assembly then meeting in Charleston provided additional customers.⁵⁹ As usual, there was a special request performance for the Masons, with the customary special Masonic songs, prologue and epilogue, which was played to a full house on December 27, 1754.⁶⁰

Shortly after this, Hallam took his company to Jamaica with a possible view of taking advantage of the theatrical bonanza there as reported by John Moody. Upon his arrival he discovered the remnants of the Moody Company, which had been playing in the islands under the management of David Douglass. Douglass was preparing to embark for England to recruit actors for his organization, the ranks of which had been thinned by disease and inertia. Hallam's appearance removed the necessity for the long 101. voyage. The two troupes combined.⁶¹

The climate of Jamaica, where "death stalks forth in almost every breeze," proved fatal to Lewis Hallam. Weak and ailing from his efforts on the continent, he more than likely fell a victim to Yellow Fever on one of that disease's periodic sweeps through the islands. Despite the loss of their leader, the company did not disband. After a respectable period of mourning, Mrs. Hallam married David Douglass, who then assumed sole responsibility for the management of the company. There was nothing to restrain their activities. The fun-loving Governor Henry Moore had appointed the notorious Teresa Constantia Phillips, a noted courtesan and woman of lenient virtue, to the post of Mistress of Revels. Her duties included the supervision of entertainment, and it is not unlikely that she held a loose rein on the activities of David Douglass and his actors.⁶²

Not only did the troupe perform in the British West Indies, but also it acted before audiences in those islands of the group under the control of Denmark.⁶³ It was in the late Summer of 1758 that they decided to return to the American Colonies.

CHAPTER VI THE DOUGLASS COMPANY'S FIRST AMERICAN TOUR
(New York, Philadelphia, Annapolis, Upper Marlborough, Williamsburg, 1758-1761.)

The theatrical troupe which David Douglass brought to the American colonies in 1758 still retained the attractive name, "a Company of Comedians from London"—a suggestion that the best in dramatic entertainment could be expected.

Drastic changes had occurred among the personnel of the company. Only Mrs. Douglass and her two sons, Lewis Jr. and Adam, along with Mrs. Love served as links with the company which had sailed for the West Indies some three and a half years earlier. Little is known in respect to the other members of the old Hallam Company. It is fairly certain that John Singleton remained in the islands. In the year 1767, in Barbados, he was to publish a long blank verse poem, A General Description of the West Indian Islands, which was well enough received to insure its republication in London in 1777.¹ The other members of both the Hallam and Douglass companies apparently elected to remain in Jamaica, and possibly formed a company of their own. There was certainly a theatrical group in the islands in 1768. It was during this year that a young mate on a slave trader deserted his ship in disgust and, while awaiting passage back to Scotland, played a major role in a production of The Conscious Lovers. The young seaman answered to the name of John Paul, and in later years CONTEMPORARY SKETCH OF MRS. DOUGLASS
Courtesy Harvard Theatre Collection 103. was to become better known to Americans as John Paul Jones.²

David Douglass, the new manager, was "by descent and education a gentleman."³ His original professional training had been as a printer, and he had practiced that trade until he became enamored of the stage and joined Moody's company in Jamaica.⁴ His ability on the stage has been characterized as "rather a decent than shining actor, a man of sense and discretion."⁵

Mrs. Douglass was still a woman of great beauty and poise, and maintained her right to play those youthful roles which she had claimed as her prerogative under her former husband's management.⁶ Although she had reached an age when her physical proportions were those usually attributed to matrons, her experience and ability allowed her to act "stately or querulous as occasion required."⁷

Three adolescents, two of whom were destined to become favorites of the colonial stage, were included among the members of the Company of Comedians. One of these was Mrs. Douglass's niece, one Nancy Hallam,⁸ 104. perhaps the daughter of the indigent William Hallam, who may have died by this date.

The other was Lewis Hallam, Jr., now a youth of nineteen whose ability as an actor had reached far greater proportions than had ^{might have} been indicated ^predicted when he had fled in terror from the Williamsburg stage as a lad of twelve. He had grown up during the stay in Jamaica, and it has been said that he ^{according to some reports,} had been well tutored in his profession through the efforts of Mr. Rigby of the old company. He had also spent some time studying the dialect and manners of the Jamaican Negroes, a practice which he was able to put to good use in later years.⁹ A thin body of only medium height was made more impressive by an erect posture. A slight cast in one eye, the result of a fencing accident, gave an almost imperceptible, yet odd expression to a face dominated by a sensuous mouth and sharp nose.¹⁰ Light on his feet, Hallam was adept in both fencing and dancing, two necessary attributes of his profession. Trained by actors of the old bombastic school of James Quin, he was never exposed to the more realistic and natural acting introduced by David Garrick in 1741. Hallam's stage actions were "stiff and prim,"¹¹ while his delivery irritated some spectators because he was always "either mouthing or ranting."¹² He was at his best while reciting prologues and epilogues, which he did with such finesse as "constituted the grace before and thanks after the dramatic banquet."¹³ Even with his admittedly rapid development, Lewis Hallam's ability could not, at this stage, have been such as to allow him to play 105. the majority of the lead roles in the repertoire. Yet he did ^so possibly because he and his mother owned most of the stock in the company.

The group included two other persons who bore the name of Hallam. One was the young Sarah Hallam whom Lewis had married during the sojourn in the islands, and who had neither the talent nor the inclination for the stage. The younger brother, Adam, had improved little in ability in the period of their absence from the colonies; even if he had owned the company, the public would not have tolerated his appearance in important roles. The eldest of the three children the Hallams had brought to America, Helen Hallam, no longer travelled with the actors.¹⁴

From Douglass's old troupe in the islands came three of the more durable members of the new company. Owen Morris and his wife had been original members of the old Moody company. He was especially good in "the tremulous drawle of old men, in low jest and buffoonery,"¹⁵ although in later years his efforts were to be characterized as "despicable."¹⁶ His wife, who must have been some years younger than her husband was a beautiful and accomplished actress and was to be cast in many important supporting roles. Catherine Maria Harman, at this time next in importance to Mrs. Douglass among the actresses, "bore away the palm as duenna." She was possessed of a rich, though tragic, theatrical heritage. Her mother had been Charlotte Cibber, daughter of the Poet laureate, and wife of one Richard Charke, a violinist and a "knave with a sweet voice." They had come to Jamaica among the group of musicians who had been brought out to 106. indulge Governor Henry Moore's passion for music.¹⁷ Charlotte died in 1759 after her husband had abandoned her. The child of this unhappy union, Catharine Maria, had become the wife of Harman, a mediocre actor at best, and the two of them eventually became members of The Douglass Company.¹⁸

It may be assumed that Charles Love returned with his actress wife and continued playing the harpsichord in the theatre. Actors and actresses of lesser importance were Mr. and Mrs. Tomlinson, Mr. Horne and Mr. Reed.

The Company disembarked at New York near the middle of October, 1758. They had come armed with impressive "characters," or certificates of qualification, signed by such notables as the Lieutenant-Governor of Pennsylvania and Baron Von Brock, Governor of the Danish West Indies.¹⁹ A new playhouse was necessary for the opening, for Hallam had sold the Nassau Street building in 1753. Douglass began the construction of the first of the many theatres which he was to erect in the American colonies. For a location, he selected Cruger's Wharf, an area surrounded on three sides by water.²⁰ This building was apparently a regular theatre with boxes, pit and gallery, although of primitive and temporary construction, and was soon to be demolished.

Douglass, who should have known better, had undertaken this operation without first securing the necessary permission of the magistrates. His ultimate application to these "Gentlemen in Power," met with the stubborn 107. resistance of offended authority. "To his great mortification," Douglass "met with a positive and absolute Denial." Explaining that the low state of his finances would not allow them to seek solvency in another town, the manager, "in the humblest Manner" pleaded that his players be allowed to perform until his financial condition would permit further travel. The magistrates turned a deaf ear to his appeal and "peremptorily refused it." To many men this would have spelled disaster, but Douglass was a man of ingenuity. After airing his troubles in the New York Mercury, he announced that within a few days he would open "an HISTRIONIC ACADEMY."²¹

Judging by his actions in later years, there is little doubt that Douglass planned to circumvent the will of authority by producing plays under the guise of educational activities. He had not reckoned with the intelligence of the opposition. So great was the pressure following his initial announcement, that within a few days the manager was forced to publish a rather abject and apologetic statement. With an air of shocked virtue he denied that he had ever harbored such intentions and vigorously protested any idea that he would ever "aim at an Affront on Gentlemen, on whom I am dependent for the only means that can save us from utter Ruin." With all the innocence of a child he declared "that so vain, so insolent a Project, never once entered my Head," and explained that he had only proposed to deliver "Dissertations on Subjects, Moral, Instructive and Entertaining," which would have assumed the nature of instruction in the art of public speaking. He re-stated the desperate financial difficulties experienced by his players, and denied any "supposed Presumption" by "A Very Humble, and Very Devoted Servant."²²

This atonement had its reward. The magistrates relented and granted permission, but for only a short season. On New Year's Day, 1759 "the Theatre on Mr. Cruger's Wharff" was opened with a production of Jane Shore, which "a most crowded Audience" received "with great Applause."²³ Instead of following the usual custom of presenting a new occasional prologue and epilogue on opening nights, Douglass revived an old epilogue as a defence of the stage against its critics. Actually these lines had been spoken by the Hallam Company in Philadelphia in 1754, but they had been revised and sent to the manager by Adam Thomson of that city.²⁴ In the epilogue, after Mrs. Douglass had stated her case:

Much has been said at this unlucky Time,
To prove the treading of the stage a Crime,

Douglass lost no time in publishing this piece for the benefit of his critics. This was purely a defense mechanism, for had they relented and made their appearance at the playhouse, he would have been hard put to accommodate them. From opening night on, the players acted to "crowded Houses," and although curtain time was not until six P.M., the gallery was opened by four o'clock to allow the cheaper seats to become occupied before the more genteel element arrived to take their places in the boxes and pit. Tickets were sold at various designated places around town, and there was no need for the establishment of a box-office as "positively no money will be taken at the Door."²⁶

The repertoire of the company was essentially the same as that of the Hallam Company. Three nights each week they acted such old favorites as The Recruiting Officer, Othello, The Beaux Stratagem, and The Drummer.²⁷ A new play was presented on Wednesday, January 24, when Douglass had its American premiere.²⁸ This was to prove one of the most useful of the plays presented by Douglass, and was to be a popular attraction on the American stage for the next hundred years.

King Richard the IIId on February 7 was announced as "Positively the last Time of acting in this City."²⁹ This abbreviated season could have done little more than reduce the indebtedness of the players, but it did allow them to leave town until the resentment of the magistrates had abated.

From February until late spring, the players disappeared. Quite possibly they played the smaller towns between New York and Philadelphia, and this may well have been the year that Douglass and his company visited ^{including, perhaps,} Perth Amboy, New Jersey.³⁰ Perth Amboy contained all the requisites of a good theatre town—it was the capital of the colony and the home of the governor, and a garrison of soldiers were stationed there. William Dunlap, who was born in 1766, and who spent his youth in that town, reported that he had often "heard old ladies speak, almost in raptures, of the beauty and grace of Mrs. Douglass, and the pathos of her personation of Jane Shore."³¹

Douglass had learned his lesson in New York. Long before his planned arrival in Philadelphia, he had secretly contacted Governor Denny of Pennsylvania and on April 5 permission to play had been granted on the condition that the receipts of one night be donated to the hospital. At the same time he contracted for a new theatre, to be built under the supervision of two local craftsmen: Alexander Alexander undertook the erection of the playhouse, while William Williams, tutor of Benjamin West, was employed to paint new scenes.³² Undoubtedly relying on information furnished by his wife, Douglass very wisely located his theatre on "Society Hill," at the "south-west corner of South and Vernon streets," outside the city limits and jurisdiction of municipal officials.³³

From outward appearances, antagonism toward the stage in Philadelphia had abated. Eighteen months earlier the students of the college had performed Alfred (with the addition of suitable hymns) as "an Oratorical Exercise… before large Audiences, with great Applause." No objection had been directed toward this exercise of the younger generation, possibly because all female parts had been eliminated, and "every Thing that could injure their Morals" had been "carefully" avoided.³⁴ Only the year before, the Reverend William Smith had gone so far as to declare publicly:

… who can tell but the coming generation may have theatres by law established, and grow as fond of actors and actresses, men and women singers, as the polite, well-bred ladies and gentlemen of the beau monde in Britain: of whose follies, as well as fashions, we are the most humble, zealous mimics.³⁵

But Smith was an Anglican rector, and could expect no support from the Quakers and Presbyterians who, having been joined by the Lutherans and Baptists, were now stronger than ever. The secret of the new building on Society Hill was soon out; the purpose of a building large enough to house a theatre—even a colonial theatre—was difficult to conceal. As soon as the true purpose of the construction was determined, the religious faction closed ranks and rose up in arms against this new evil in their midst. Their first approach was to appear before Judge William Allen, asking for an injunction against the players. The judge rejected their appeal, "observing that plays brought him more moral virtue than sermons." On the night the theatre opened, Judge Allen was unable to attend, for he was mourning the death of his wife. No doubt many of those who were the subjects of his rebuke secretly rejoiced in the power of the wrath of a mighty God.³⁶

On May 22 the Quakers appealed directly to the governor through a petition.³⁷ On the same day their allies, the Presbyterians, submitted a similar document to that official, in which they declared the theatre to be "a most powerfull Engine of Debauching the Minds and corrupting the Manners of youth" and suggested that such extravagances should not be tolerated during the war with France.³⁸

When no immediate reply seemed to be forthcoming from the governor, the religious faction applied pressure to the members of the General Assembly, and that body, on May 31, 1759, passed "An Act For the More Effectual Suppressing of Lotteries and Plays," which provided a fine of 112. £ 500 for those "several companies of idle persons and strollers [who] have come into this Province from foreign parts," or who attempted to perform or sell tickets to plays in Pennsylvania.³⁹

This unexpected development left William Williams and Alexander Alexander in the position of losing a considerable amount of money on the materials for the playhouse. They too petitioned the Governor to consider their plight.⁴⁰ Governor Denny himself was in something of a dilemma, for the revocation of the permission to play would be a reflection upon his integrity. Unexpected allies were found in the persons of those making up the Governor's Council, who, although they did not condone the theatre, saw in the suppression of lotteries the removal of the chief means of support for the Academy, the Charity School and the College.⁴¹

With the backing of his council, the governor side-stepped the issue by the addition of certain amendments which delayed the date of execution until January 1, 1760. This development allowed Douglass a five-month season unhampered by legal restrictions. Even after the act became law, it remained in force for only eight months, being disallowed by the King in Council, September 2, 1760.⁴²

Douglass rushed through the final phases of construction of the theatre. During this interval and while the issue was undecided, the players made their living as best they could. Mr. Horne, who advertised himself as "one of the young Gentlemen belonging to the Company," 113. instructed in the French language to those who wished it.⁴³

On June 15, 1759, the Society Hill theatre was opened with Tamerlane and The Virgin Unmask'd. An occasional prologue and epilogue were rendered by the son-mother combination of Lewis Hallam and Mrs. Douglass, which must have centered on the old theme of the theatre as a school for morals. Mrs. Love was featured in songs between the acts.⁴⁴ The opening night was followed by relatively inoffensive selections, including Richard III⁴⁵ and The Provoked Husband,⁴⁶ the latter possib1y inserted to liven up the more sombre productions. On Friday, July 13, Douglass staged Douglass in a move which appears to have been an offering to conciliate the Presbyterians. In the advertisements he inserted four lines from the prologue to indicate the moral virtues of the play:

This Night a Douglass, your protection claims:
A Wife! a Mother! Pity's softest Names:
The story of her Woes indulgent bear,
And grant your Suppliant all she begs, A TEAR:

⁴⁷

A Mr. Allyn, an average actor who was destined to play minor roles with the Douglass Company for the next nine years, appeared in the cast 114. for the first time when Hamlet was played on July 26.⁴⁹ On August 10, new scenery, which must have been that painted by William Williams, was featured in the production of Theodosius, or The Force of Love. Attention was focused on "the transparent Alter-piece, shewing the Vision of Constantine the Great, before his Battle against the Christians, the bloody Cross in the Air inscrib'd about it [in] Golden Characters In hoc signo Vinces." There was also the proud boast that "The Decorations are entirely New and Proper."⁵⁰ Another new member with a familiar name was added to the cast when The Beggar's Opera was performed on August 24.⁵¹ This was a Mr. Scott,⁵² quite possibly the actor of the same name who had originally appeared with the old Murray-Kean Company.

Governor Denny's subterfuge had rendered ineffective the efforts of the anti-theatre groups to suppress the players, but they still sniped at the actors and the playhouse in the newspapers. The theatre they termed "the House of the Devil," and they called upon all sensible men to:

Consider, therefore, the Play-House, and the Master of Entertainment there, as it consists of Love Intrigues, blasphemous Passions, profane Discourses, lewd Descriptions, filthy Jests, and all the most extravagant Rant of wanton, vile profligate Persons, of both Sexes, heating and inflaming one another with all the Wantonness of Address, the Immodesty of Motions, and Lewdness of Thought that Wit can invent,… ⁵³

It was probably because of this and similar criticism that Douglass so rearranged his repertoire as to include the plays of Shakespeare and the less offensive efforts of contemporary playwrights. But even Shakespeare 115. was presented in an expurgated or altered version. Longer passages were deleted, and as a concession to the new taste for comedy and musical productions, the spectacular was added to the dramatic whenever feasible. On October 25, Macbeth was performed with the "original Musick as set by [Henry] Purcell; Witches Dance, and all the Decorations proper to the Play." The inadequacy of the company to present plays with large casts is indicated in Macbeth when the singing witches were played by Messrs. Allyn, Harman and Tomlinson.⁵⁴ Another incidence of this proclivity for the ostentatious occurred when the Masons honored Douglass on his Benefit on the night of November 2. The play was Romeo and Juliet and included all the extra attractions when the Masons assembled in the playhouse. Douglass, who was undoubtedly a member of the fraternity, spoke the prologue "in the Character of a Master Mason," while his wife recited the epilogue as a "Mason's Wife." In the play itself, the spectacular was cast in a morbid mold "With the Funeral Procession of Juliet to the Monument of the Capulets, and a solemn Dirge, as it is performed at the Theatre Royal in Covent-Garden."⁵⁵ This was established the pattern for this play which was followed throughout the remaining years of the colonial stage.

The relatively small number of players with the company often forced the more gifted of the group to play two parts, especially in such musical presentations as The Beggar's Opera, for the talent was not evenly distributed.⁵⁶ It was at this time that Lewis Hallam met a threat to his prerogative to the leading roles. On December 1, John Palmer was cast 116. in the title role of Macbeth.⁵⁷ Palmer was a person of striking features and figure, who had only recently joined the company. He had been unsuccessful in his early career as a strolling player in England, but was later to become one of the more brilliant stars of the London stage. In the^his six months he was to remain with Douglass's company he was to assume the lead in many plays, a rather cogent commentary on the ability of the personnel of the company as well as that of young Lewis Hallam.⁵⁸ Among the plays in which Palmer supplanted Hallam was The Suspicious Husband;⁵⁹ he also played Romeo to the Juliet of Mrs. Douglass,⁶⁰ who though far from being fourteen "come Lammas-eve," steadfastly insisted on her right to the part.

Another new acquisition during the Philadelphia run was a dancer, George Abbington, who first appeared in entertainments between the acts of Romeo and Juliet on December 21. Abbington had been trained in London as a theatrical dancer, and for the past year had conducted a dancing school in the city.⁶¹

After all personal benefits were concluded, the actors gave two charity performances instead of the one that had been required in their original permission. George Barnwell was advertised on December 28, 1759, for the purpose of "purchasing an Organ for the College-Hall in this City, and instructing the Charity Children in Psalmody." In keeping with the 117. sacrosanct purpose for which the benefit had been devised, music was added, played "by some Gentlemen of this City° for which purpose a neat Harpsichord will be provided." Even Hallam's prologue was in praise of music rather than the moral virtues of the stage.⁶²

The following night when the cold was so bitter that the Delaware River was frozen solid,⁶³ Hamlet was presented as a benefit for the hospital.⁶⁴ That the hospital should have to resort to such measures to secure funds led to rumblings of discontent among the devout. So strong were these dissident criticisms that the hospital officials felt forced to publish a statement to the effect that they had "no Authority given them to refuse any Sums of Money, which may be lawfully contributed thereto." They further declared that they could not be held responsible for the benefit, for it had been "done without the consent of the said Managers, in Consequence of the Injunction of the late Governor Denny at the time he granted Liberty to the Stage Players to erect a Theatre near this City."⁶⁵

Douglass's allotted time had expired. The act suppressing the theatre was to become effective on January 1, 1760, and he began his preparations for closing the house. Not only had his company provided entertainment for the less pious citizens of Philadelphia, but also they had been able to awaken dormant literary interests. Alexander Graydon made the observation ^recalled?:

Although the theatre must be admitted to be a stimulus to those vices, which something inherent in our nature renders essential to the favoured hero of the comic drama and novel, it 118. was yet useful in one respect. It induced me to open books which had hitherto lain neglected on the shelf… I became a reader of plays, and particularly those of Shakespeare, of which I was an ardent and unaffected admirer.⁶⁶

From Philadelphia, the company went to Annapolis, "the most cultivated and dissipated city in the American plantations."⁶⁷ It has been claimed that they first played in Upper Marlborough,⁶⁸ but there is no evidence to support this assertion. From contemporary accounts, the winter of 1759-1760 appears to have been one of the coldest recorded for many years, and it was possibly because of the extreme weather that the comedians did not open in the Maryland capital until March 3. In Annapolis the players found themselves in a congenial atmosphere after their trials in New York and Philadelphia. Not only did the governor readily grant the necessary permission, but he also gave dignity to the playhouse by attending the opening performance of The Orphan and Lethe. A "Gentlemen of this Province" composed a special prologue for the occasion, and Mrs. Douglass welcomed the audience with:

Lo! to new worlds th' advent'rous Muse conveys
The moral Wisdom of dramatic Lays!
To warm the Breast, and humanize the Soul!
By magic Sounds to vary Hopes and Fears;
Or make each Eye dissolve in virtuous Tears!
'Til sympathizing Youths in Anguish melt,
And Virgins sigh for Woes, before unfelt!
Here, as we speak, each heart-struck Patriot glows
With real Rage to crush Britannia's Foes!

The company had experienced some changes in personnel. Nancy Hallam no longer was listed in the published casts of the plays, and Mr. Harman had completely disappeared. Mrs. Harman still appeared in her accustomed roles, but whether her husband had died, or had just deserted her can not be determined. A new family unit had joined the players in the persons of the mother-daughter team of Mrs. and Miss Dowthaitt, who were relegated to minor parts along with a Miss Crane, also a new member of the troupe. Apparently Douglass had earlier persuaded them to come from Jamaica and join the players at Annapolis, for obviously they were not local amateurs. An old familiar face appeared in The Beaux Stratagem on March 20. Walter Murray, the manager of the old Murray-Kean Company, joined the actors on that date and continued playing with them at least through the period when they were in Maryland.

An enthusiastic reception was given the players in Annapolis, but a series of incidents held down attendance. During March the most severe snowstorm of the year kept many theatre-goers at home.⁷⁰ According to custom, the theatre was closed during "Passion Week"⁷¹ and did not reopen until April 7, when Romeo was played "by a young Gentleman for his Diversion."⁷² Near the end of April the governor prorogued the Assembly until July, thereby eliminating any prospects of an increased audience through the presence of the legislators. A rumor that smallpox was prevalent in Annapolis spread through the entire colony; though the Maryland Gazette repeatedly asserted that the town was free of the disease 120. nevertheless, apparently many people did not risk coming to town for fear that there was some basis for the report. The townspeople, however, made no effort to isolate themselves, for When the Provok'd Husband was played for the benefit of Mrs. Douglass, the Masons honored her by announcing, "The Fraternity will do her the Honor to walk in Procession, and appear in the House in their proper Cloathing."⁷³

Shakespearean plays reigned as favorites in Annapolis. One of the lead roles which Douglass claimed as his own was that of Othello, which he played to his wife's Desdemona.⁷⁴ Adam Hallam still played regularly in minor parts which did little more than require his presence on the stage. He also performed some of the simpler dances which were offered as added attractions. Despite the repeated injunction, "No Persons to be admitted behind the Scenes," customers frequently wandered backstage during the progress of the play. Walter Murray's new velvet-collared great coat was taken "as supposed by Mistake"⁷⁵ on the very night when the Farce was entitled A Wonder! An Honest Yorkshireman!⁷⁶

The benefits continued to work their way towards the end of the season. Mrs. Morris chose for her night Lord Lansdowne's altered version of the Merchant of Venice, which was now called The Jew of Venice, or The Female Lawyer. Adam Hallam played Gratiano on this occasion, which represented the pinnacle of his success as an actor. Mrs. Douglass was still Portia, albeit a middle-aged one, while her elder son portrayed a comic Shylock.⁷⁷

Mr. Scott's benefit of The Gamester on Monday, April 8, marked the end of the 1760 season Annapolis. In the special prologue "addressed to the ladies," Mrs. Douglass expressed appreciation for their support:

Ye gen'rous FAIR, ere finally we part,
Accept the Tribute of a grateful Heart.

Oh! may your Influence still propitious prove,
To cheer our distant labours, as we rove!
Till Sister-Colonies assert our Cause;
And Their's resound fair Maryland's Applause!

⁷⁸

From Annapolis the comedians made their way to Upper Marlborough. Despite its small size, this was a good theatre town in certain seasons because of the frequency with which the races were held. There was no known theatre in Upper Marlborough, and Douglass probably played in "a neat convenient tobacco-house, well fitted up for the purpose."⁷⁹ There were no box seats, but the building had been fitted up with a gallery. Seven shillings, sixpence, the regular price for box-seats, was charged for admission to the Pit, while the usual pit price of five shillings was collected for gallery seats.

On May 22, the tragedy of Douglass and the farce Lethe were presented as the first attractions of the season. For the convenience of the many people from outlying communities who were in town for the races, and "who chuse to go home after the Play," the hour of performance was moved up from six to four P. M.⁸⁰ Another innovation was the selection of a ticket agent. In Annapolis and in other cities, it had been possible 122. to purchase tickets at the local printing-office or at the bar of a favorite tavern, but in Upper Marlborough this chore was handled by Benjamin Brooke, the local Sheriff.⁸¹ This may have been a method of collecting debts owed by the company.

The season in Upper Marlborough lasted for at least six weeks, with the last advertised play, Romeo and Juliet, being announced for July 1, 1760. By this time John Palmer had taken leave of the American Company and had probably returned to England. With this more accomplished actor out of his way, Young Hallam reclaimed his major roles, in this instance playing Romeo to his mother's Juliet.⁸²

From Upper Marlborough, the Douglass Company journeyed to Williamsburg, possibly playing short engagements in villages along the way. They had arrived in the Virginia capital by October 2, when a local merchant, William Allason, noted that he had "paid for 2 Play Tickets."⁸³ Strangely enough, for so extraordinary an occasion, no mention was made of the presence of the actors in the Virginia Gazette. Only two explanations suggest themselves: that newspaper advertising was not considered necessary to lure the audience; or the company was suffering financial difficulties. Certainly the Virginians were in the mood for attending the theatre. Only five years earlier the Reverend Samuel Davies had arraigned the colony on the indictment that "Plays and Romances" were "more read than the history of the blessed Jesus."⁸⁴ But unless amateur efforts had opened the theatre, it had remained closed except for casual visits of such oddities as "that elaborate and celebrated Piece of Mechanism, called THE MICROCOSM
From Ford, Washington and the Theatre 123. the MICROCOSM or THE WORLD IN MINATURE."⁸⁵ The Virginians must have welcomed the players, for only the year before a traveller had observed: "They are immoderately fond of dancing, and indeed it is almost the only amusement they partake of… "⁸⁶

From October, 1760, until May, 1761, the company remained in Virginia. Quite possibly they did not restrict their activities to Williamsburg during this period, but played other towns of the colony, such as Norfolk, Suffolk, Petersburg and Fredericksburg. When he was in Williamsburg, one of the most avid patrons of the local playhouse was that rising young planter, George Washington. In 1760 he noted in his ledger that he had spent £ 7.10.3d for "Play Tickets at Sundry Times," and in March, 1761, his expenses for this type of entertainment amounted to £ 2.7s.6d.⁸⁷

It may reasonably be assumed that the same plays were performed, and the same actors present, as in the earlier part of this first American tour by the Douglass Company. As late as May 8 they were still in town, for on that date Alexander Craig charged Lewis Hallam for a pair of shoes.⁸⁸ It was also in Williamsburg that two of the actresses left the company. These were Mrs. and Miss Dowthaitt, who did not reappear on the American 124. stage for the next eight years, when they once again performed on the Williamsburg stage.⁸⁹

Douglass was still learning through experience the trials of an eighteenth-century theatrical manager. Upon leaving Williamsburg he neglected to arm himself with that certificate of respectability, "A character, and^{. He} was forced to send back to get a recommendation, which was eventually signed by the "Governor, Council, and near one hundred of the principal gentlemen of Virginia," and which read:

Williamsburg June 11, 1761

The company of comedians under the direction of David Douglass has performed in this colony for near a twelvemonth; during which time they have made it their constant practice to behave with prudence and discretion in their private character, and to use their utmost endeavours to give general satisfaction in their publick capacity. we have therefore thought proper to recommend them as a company whose behavior merits the favour of the public, and who are capable of entertaining a sensible and polite audience.⁹⁰

Douglass needed the best recommendation possible, for at this time he essayed to play in the most difficult area of his career—New England.

CHAPTER VII PLAYING THE EASTERN COAST
(Newport, New York, Philadelphia, Virginia, Charleston, 1761-1766)

It would have been useless for Douglass to attempt an assault on the Puritan citadel of Massachusetts, although that colony was the most populous in New England. Strict prohibition of theatrical performances had become a legal reality in the winter of 1749-1750. It had all started innocently enough, when two young Englishmen, assisted by some of the gallants of Boston, had performed The Orphan in the Coffee House on State Street.¹ For some unexplained reason there was a riot in the street outside the temporary playhouse, which seemed to accentuate the evil influence of the drama. As a consequence, a law was passed by the General Court in April, 1750, which had as its purpose the prevention of the "great mischiefs which arise from public stage-plays," and carried provisions for fines of £ 20 for those who staged a play, with lesser penalties of £ 5 for each actor and spectator.² This measure clearly indicated that the climate of Massachusetts was unhealthy for actors.

Ten years later, when a group of local citizens attempted to act Cato for their private entertainment, they were suspected of "Vice, Impiety, Immorality" and were forced to cancel their plans.³ There is, however, some evidence that plays were clandestinely performed. The Orphan was 126. played before about 210 persons on March 13, 1765, although one critic felt it was "miserably performed." This performance was the exception rather than the rule, and usually the theatrical group catered to their desires when they assembled to hear the reading of a play.⁴ It was not until 1792 that Boston was to support a formal theatre.

No laws restricted the theatre in Rhode Island, although there was a strong sentiment against that form of entertainment. Douglass arrived in Newport in the late spring of 1761 and ran head-on into a strong under­current of opposition. Realizing his negligence in not securing a "Character" from Governor Fauquier of Virginia, he apparently sent an emissary south to rectify this mistake, for the recommendation that he ultimately presented was dated June 11, 1761.

In the interval the versatile manager attempted to circumvent the lack of formal permission to play by an ingenious innovation. Handbills distributed through the streets of Newport announced:

Kings Arms Tavern—Newport, Rhode Island

On Monday, June 10th, at the Public Room of the Above Inn will be delivered a series of
MORAL DIALOGUES
In Five Parts
Depicting the Evil Effects of Jealousy and other Bad Passions, and Proving that Happiness can only Spring from the Pursuit of Virtue.

Mr. DOUGLASS will represent a noble and magnanimous Moor named Othello, who loves a young lady named Desdemona, and after he has married her, harbors (as in too many cases) the dreadful passion of Jealousy.
Of jealousy our being's bane,
Mark the small cause and the most dreadful pain.

MR. ALLYN will depict the character of a specious villain, in the regiment of Othello, who is so base as to hate his commander 127. on mere suspicion, and to impose on his best friend. Of such characters, it is to be feared, there are thousands in the world, and the one in question may present to us a salutary warning.
The man that wrongs his master and his friend,
What can he come to but a shameful end?

MR. HALLAM will delineate a young and thoughtless officer, who is traduced by MR. ALLYN, and getting drunk, loses his situation, and his general's esteem. All young men, whatsoever, take example from Cassio.
The ill effects of drinking would you see,
Be warned and keep from evil company.

MR. MORRIS will represent an old gentleman, the father of Desdemona, who is not cruel or covetous, but is foolish enough to dislike the noble Moor, his son-in-law, because his face is not white, forgetting that we all spring from one root. Such prejudices are very numerous and very wrong.
Fathers beware what sense and love ye lack,
'Tis crime, not color, makes the being black.

MR. QUELCH will depict the fool, who wishes to become a knave, and trusting one gets killed by him. Such is the friendship of rogues. — take heed.
When fools would knaves become, how often you'll
Perceive the knave not wiser than the fool.

MRS. MORRIS will represent a young a virtuous wife, who, being wrongfully suspected, gets smothered (in an adjoining room) by her husband.
Reader, attend; and ere thou goest hence
Let fall a tear to hapless innocence.

MRS. DOUGLASS will be her faithful attendant, who will hold out a good example to all servants, male and female, and to all people in subjection.
Obedience and gratitude
Are things as rare as they are good.

Various other dialogues, too numerous to mention here, will be delivered at night, well adapted to the minds and manners. The whole will be repeated on Wednesdays and on Saturday. Tickets, six shillings each; to be had within. Commencement at 7. Conclusion at half past 10, in order that every spectator may go home at a sober hour, and reflect upon what he has seen, before he retired to rest.⁵

These "Dialogues" were so well received that, despite an adverse vote at a special town meeting, Douglass hastily constructed a playhouse as soon as his "character" from Virginia arrived. There is little 128. evidence extant indicating the plays presented while the company was in Newport. On September 7, he did give The Provok'd Wife as a benefit for the poor. The season was a success, although he was forced to overcome the resistance of the anti-theatrical group and the threat of a hurricane which flattened several other buildings and "came near to spoiling the entertainment" at the theatre.⁶ The season was brought to a close with Douglass, which was presented as a second benefit for the poor and "meant as an expression of gratitude for the countenance and favour of the town… " In turn, it was felt that "the behaviour of the company here has been irreproachable," and "The character they brought from the governor and gentlemen of Virginia has been fully verified…"⁷ The fact that Douglass was to return to Newport the following year is ample proof that the season had been financially rewarding.

From Rhode Island, Douglass took his players to New York. At some time in the past he had obviously contacted a builder in New York and completed the necessary arrangements for a new theatre in that city. Certainly there remained little to be done after their arrival in New York, for the playhouse was ready for occupancy just two weeks after the last performance in Rhode Island. The new theatre was located on the southwest corner of Nassau and Chapel (now Beekman) streets. The cost of construction of this ninety by forty foot building⁸ had totalled £ 650,⁹ and it would seat an audience of at least 352 spectators.¹⁰

There had been same concern expressed at the return of the players,—apparently the reason why Governor Colden restricted them to the equivalent of two months' season. Contrary to their usual custom of playing three nights a week, Douglass restricted his presentations to only two per week,¹¹ possibly with the intention of stretching the season through the colder months before the next move became necessary.

Nicholas Rowe's Fair Penitent was the opening presentation on November 18, to be followed the next week by Hamlet. As usual, Lewis Hallam played the melancholy Dane, while his step-father advanced from the role of the ghost to that of the King, a part he was to play throughout the remaining years of his career. Two new names also appeared for the first time. One was John Tremaine, of the old Murray-Kean Company, who once again laid aside his cabinet-maker's tools for the lure of the stage. The other was Sarah Hallam, the wife of Lewis, who made one of her rare appearances before an audience.¹²

No sooner had the players established themselves than an amusing war of words began in the local press, between two writers using the pseudonyms of "Philodemus" and "Armanda." Philodemus wrote that all ladies who went to the playhouse were lacking in modesty.¹³ An angry Armanda not only made a vigorous defense of the actors but struck back by styling Philodemus "a superannuated animal that has past his grand climateric, and whose early times of life had been employed in luxury and debauchery, and now being satiated, concludes that all is vanity and every pleasure criminal."¹⁴ 130. After demanding whether playhouse or the Bible was the better teacher, Philodemus retaliated by intimating that his tormentor was herself nothing but a strolling player,¹⁵ an accusation which was vigorously denied the following week.¹⁶ With this last word by Armanda, both parties appeared to be willing to call off their feud.

While verbal blasts and counterblasts were entertaining readers of the newspapers, Douglass entertained his brethren, the Grand Master and the Masons, at a performance of The Gamester on December 28, with the manager, as usual, reciting the prologue in appropriate costume.¹⁷ Although every advertisement and every playbill continued to carry the prescript, "No Persons can be admitted behind the SCENES," they seemed but so many idle words to the patrons of the theatre. The stage was frequently cluttered with "Gentlemen" who not only imposed their presence behind the scenes, but oft times wandered on-stage during the performance. In New York, this practice became so general that Douglass was forced to issue the plea:

Complaints having been several Times made, that a Number of Gentlemen crowd the Stage, and very much interrupt the Performance: and as it is impossible for Actors when thus obstructed, should do that Justice to their Parts they other wise could; it will be taken as a particular Favour if no Gentlemen will be offended that he is absolutely refus'd Admittance at the Stage Door, unless he has previously secured himself a Place in either the Stage or upper Boxes.¹⁸

The two months allotted to the players expired, but an extension was granted, possibly because of Douglass's willingness to give a performance of Othello for the benefit of the poor. As he called in all tickets which had been purchased for previous performances but had not been used, he explained that the proceeds of the benefit were "to be impartially apply'd" to those destitute families not provided for by the city, and that the names of those in charge of the distribution of the funds would soon be published for all to see.²¹ Upon this and similar occasions, the pseudo-democratic practice of merging the boxes with the pit was followed, with prices reduced in both pit and gallery. Only the bare expenses for lighting materials and wages of non-acting personnel were deducted from the total receipts of £ 133.0.6. Net proceeds in the amount of £ 114.10.0 were turned over to George Harrison and John Vander Speigle for distribution to the needy.²²

In addition to his struggle to keep the young bucks of the town off the stage during the performance, Douglass endeavored to put a stop to another precedent long respected in the theatre. Actors or actresses for whom a benefit was being staged often called upon known devotees of the theatre to solicit their patronage on the night of their benefit. Douglass periodically inserted a tag to both his advertisements and playbills: 132.

The Ceremony of waiting on Ladies and Gentlemen at their Houses with Bills, has been for some Time left off in this Company; the frequent Solicitations on these Occasions having been found rather an inconvenience to the Persons so waited on, than a Compliment.²³

An occasional alteration was made in the physical appearance of the theatre. As a sop to the snobbishness of the holders of box seats, partitions were added "to render them more commodious for select Companies."²⁴

David Douglass must have exercised strict regulation on his players, both inside and outside the theatre for there was a gradual disappearance of complaints against actors as a group. When on Monday, April 26, The Committee, Or The Faithful Irishman was staged as the second charity performance, this time for the New York Charity School,²⁵ their good behavior, plus the willingness of the company to aid the unfortunate, led Hugh Game to editorialize in his New York Mercury:

This is the second Play the Company has given this Season to public Uses; which with their unblamable Conduct during their Residence here, and the Entertainment the Town has receiv'd from their Performances, has greatly Obviated many Objections hitherto made against Theatrical Representations in this City.²⁶

A Pistole Reward will be given to whoever can discover the person who was so very rude as to throw Eggs from the Gallery upon the Stage last Monday, by which the Cloaths of some Ladies and Gentlemen were spoiled and the Performance in some measure interrupted.
D. Douglass.²⁷

Soon after this experience, and in the early summer, the "Company of Comedians" appeared once again in Newport. After a few performances in that city, they moved on to Providence, where they encountered the old bugaboos of bigotry and intolerance. Rather than risk offending the sensitive morals of the community, Douglass termed the crude barn of a theatre which he had hastily erected²⁸ an "Histrionic Academy." In this he carried his subtlety to the extreme, advertising that their object was to "deliver dissertations on subjects instructive and entertaining," which would qualify the audience "to speak in public with propriety."²⁹

This subterfuge failed to deceive those zealots who were experienced in stripping the Devil of his camouflage. A cry for the removal of the players arose. Some champions of the theatre appeared, one of them in the person of Benjamin Mason, who wrote to John and Nicholas Brown: "I think it will be a hard thing upon them [the actors] if your people have suffered them to go on with their Building & not Allow them to Act, at Least as Long as would pay their expenses."³⁰ The action of Mason and other friends of the drama came too late. On the same day that he penned this plea for equity, a town-meeting was called "by warrant," with the result that it was proposed and passed "that no stage-plays be acted in said town." Douglass paid no attention to the adverse vote, but continued acting as before. His demonstrated scorn for the will of the local inhabitants only strengthened their resolution to drive him from the colony, and they followed their action with a petition to the General Assembly, requesting 134. that body to "make some effectual law to prevent any stage-plays, comedies, or theatrical performances being acted in this Colony for the future." The 405 names attached to this document called for action, and in August the legislature passed "an Act to Prevent Stage Plays and other Theatrical Entertainments in this Colony," which contained strict penalties for non­compliance. To prevent the actors from claiming innocence of the law as an excuse, the act was ordered proclaimed through the streets of Providence accompanied by the beat of the drum.³¹ With the prospect of advancing cold weather and an even colder reception by the people of Rhode Island, Douglass turned to the more hospitable south.

The assertion has been made that Douglass played in the West Indies for the next four years.³² Actually, most of this time was spent in the Southern Colonies. Approximately one year of the interval was spent in Virginia, although there is but fragmentary evidence to document such a statement. The following November, upon their arrival in South Carolina, the news item announcing their arrival in Charleston stated they were coming from Virginia.³³ In November, 1762, they were certainly in Williamsburg, for during that month Washington was in town, and purchased "Play Tickets." In April and May of 1763 he recorded similar expenditures on five different occasions.³⁴ They also seem to have played in Petersburg. On January 20, 1763, Thomas Jefferson wrote to John Page that "I have some thoughts of 135. going to Petersburg if the actors go there in May"³⁵—an indication that he may have seen them earlier in their tour. More than likely Douglass and his actors played Petersburg, for it seems quite possible that Petersburg had a theatre by this date.³⁶ Such is the sum total of the information suggesting a full year of acting in Virginia.

In the Fall of 1763, Douglass and his troupe sailed to Charleston, arriving there near the first of November. Since his departure from the northern colonies, he had changed the name of his company, no longer advertising it as "a Company of Comedians," but now terming it as the "American Company of Comedians." His credentials were so impressive that it was reported, "They are recommended in a particular manner by many gentlemen of eminence in the northern colonies, both as to their abilities in their profession and their private conduct [which] for several years past has been truly exceptional."³⁷ Immediately upon his arrival, Douglass contracted for the construction of a new theatre. As a location he again chose Queen street, in the vicinity of the spot where the first playhouse had stood. Measuring seventy-five by thirty-five feet, the building was to be a regular theatre in the sense that it contained boxes, pit and gallery. There was, however, no indication that building for permanence was considered, as the building was completed within six weeks of the initial ground-breaking.³⁸

On December 14, 1763, the theatre, now "completed in a very elegant manner," was opened with The Suspicious Husband and Lethe.³⁹ This 136. performance was followed by such old favorites as The Gamester, The Provoked Husband, The Mourning Bride, Douglass and George Barnwell. Possibilities of an increased audience multiplied with the sitting of the General Assembly in Charleston on January 4, 1764.⁴⁰ From this time on, the company played three nights a week to crowded houses, with receipts averaging between £ 90 and £ 140 at each performance.

Several new actors had joined the company, although some were obviously no more than temporary replacements of local origin, filling in until Douglass could make his planned voyage to England in search of new recruits. The shortage of adequate actors was accentuated when Adam Hallam was cast in roles for which he was not qualified. Mrs. Allyn joined her husband upon the stage for the first time. Messrs. Barry, Emmett and Furell, the latter of whom had a fair singing voice, appear again after this season. The most significant and gifted of the new members was the vivacious and beautiful Margaret Cheer, whose singing voice compared favorably with her talent as an actress. Three months after her arrival from London, Alexander Garden's letter to David Colden still contained a note of suppressed effervescence:

Mr. Douglass has made a valuable acquisition in Miss Cheer who arrived from London much about the time Mr. Douglass arrived with his company. Soon after that, she agreed to go on the stage where she has since appeared in some Chief Characters with great applause particularly in Moninia in the Orphan & Juliet of Shakespear & Hermione of the Distrest Mother. Her fine person, her youth, her Voice, & Appearance &c conspire to make her appear with propriety — such a one they much wanted as Mrs Douglass was their chief actress before & who on that account had always too many Characters to appear in.⁴¹

On March 26 David Douglass made his last appearance in The Orphan of China and The Anatomist.⁴² As neither he nor Mrs. Douglass are listed in subsequent casts, it must have been about this time that they took passage for England. The company continued their appearances through the middle of May, with the last benefit, for Miss Crane and Mr. Barry, a performance of A Wonder! A Woman Keeps A Secret!⁴³ Under ordinary circumstances the last benefit would have marked the end of the season, but on May 10 King Lear was acted.⁴⁴ This could have been either a charity benefit, or a method of supplementing the income of the actors while awaiting the departure of their ship. Soon after, the company sailed for Barbados, where, even without the guiding hand of the manager, they continued to perform for the pleasure-loving islanders.

Although no actors strutted across the stage, the Charleston theatre was not unused during this interval. A Mr. Pike found it a suitable place to hold his "annual Ball for the young ladies and gentlemen under his tuition."⁴⁵ The same issue of the paper carrying this announcement, October 31, 1765, also reported the triumphant return of David Douglass from England after an absence of over a year:

On Friday last, Mr. Douglass, director of the Theatre in this town, arrived from London with a reinforcement to his company.—we hear he has engaged some very capital singers from the theatres in London, with a view of entertaining the town this winter with English operas. It is imagined, when he is joined by the company from Barbados, that our theatrical performance will be executed in a manner not inferiour to the most applauded in England. The scenes and decorations, we are informed, are of a superiour kind to any 138. that have been seen in America, being designed by the most eminent maker in London.

No false claims had been made about the excellence of the new scenery. These stage settings had been made by the best craftsman in London—Nicholas Thomas Doll of Covent Garden.⁴⁷

Douglass had persuaded six actors and actresses to leave London for America. Among them was Miss Hallam, whose age at this time would possibly make her the Nancy Hallam who had been playing minor roles and children's parts six years earlier. Her excellence "in the singing way" suggests that she may have been sent back to London for voice training. Miss Wainwright also was to be noted for her singing; she had been tutored by the famous Dr. Arne.⁴⁸ The temperamental Mrs. Henrietta Osborne, too, could sing, but appears to have been a better actress and dancer. Stephen Woolls, another student of Dr. Arne!s, was more singer than actor. The dandy, Thomas Wall, also musically inclined, was primarily an actor and lecturer. William Verling, even more temperamental than Henrietta Osborne, was soon to reveal an almost fatal ambition. To display his new talent, Douglass had acquired four new play scripts, Love in a Village, The Way to Keep Him, The Oracle, and The School For Lovers, in addition to one very entertaining and amusing lecture. Sustained by his new actors and plays, David Douglass was now in a position to offer the best theatrical fare yet seen in the colonies. 139. While the theatre was being readied for dramatic occupancy, some of the players applied their talents in other fields. Thomas Wall offered to teach the "Guittar" at bargain rates,⁴⁹ while the Misses Wainwright and Hallam appeared in a concert with Peter Valton, the organist for St. Philip's Church. ⁵⁰

The original members of the company did not return to Charleston, possibly because of commitments made in the West Indies before the return of Douglass to America. Douglass bolstered his little group with the services of Mr. Emmett, the fill-in of the year before, and opened the theatre on January 17, 1766 with The Distrest Mother, followed by Douglass and Love in a Village. Mrs. Osborne seems to have had the first benefit on February 27, selecting for her night The Constant Couple and The Mock Doctor. The character of Sir Harry Wildair in The Constant Couple was well suited for a "breeches part," and Mrs. Osborne took this occasion to display the contours of her body in male clothing, a practice which appears to have brought her a degree of popularity. Miss Wainwright was Henrietta Osborne's partner in a minuet and also sang the song, "Hapless Lovers Who Sigh in Vain." The gay evening was brought to a close with Mrs. Osborne's recitation of the humorous epilogue, "The Picture of a Playhouse, or, Bucks Have At Ye All," the first record of this piece's having been spoken in the colonies.⁵¹

On March 4, "A Subscriber" praised Mrs. Douglass's selection of The Gamester for her benefit, and incidentally noted the growing popularity of Miss Hallam when he wrote, "if Miss Hallam in Cinthia, which I presume is 140. the character she will perform, does not discover a Greater force of Genius, that the Audiences hitherto, notwithstanding the applause she has received, have imagined her to possess."⁵² Fortunately, this letter had been submitted in time to be inserted above the advertisement announcing the play.

This make-shift company with the abbreviated cast continued in Charleston throughout the Spring, heavy rains sometimes forcing the postponement of a scheduled play.⁵³ The plays were liberally sprinkled with additional entertainments, possibly an expedient for shifting the attention of the audience from the abridged casts. There was singing by Stephen Woolls, Miss Wainwright and Miss Hallam, while Henrietta Osborne appeared in horn­pipes, "The Statue's Dance," and the simpler dances, made more sensuous by her appearance in male or equally revealing clothing. William Verling played almost all the male leads, with Douglass in the chief supporting roles.

The American premiere of The Way to Keep Him was presented as William Verling's benefit on March 20. When it became known that he was a Mason, the brethren rallied to his support. The Grand Master of that organization ordered all the lodges in town, together with all transient members of the fraternity, to form and march to the theatre in procession. Douglass, who customarily recited the special prologue upon such occasions, retired in favor of Verling, who appeared "in the Character of a Master Mason."⁵⁴

A LECTURE ON HEADS
Courtesy Harvard Theatre Collection

Miss Hallam's benefit on April 3, the first American performance of The School for Lovers, was advertised as "Positively the Last Night this Season." Local talent was featured in the added attractions upon this occasion; one of the extra entertainments was advertised as "an Ode set to Musick, called 'Gratitude and Love,' Written by a Gentleman in the Province. The Musick composed by Mr. Valton."⁵⁵ Despite the finality of the announcement of Miss Hallam's benefit, Cato was produced on April 16 as a benefit for the poor, the first advertised charity performance ever given in Charleston.⁵⁶

For some unknown reason, there was evident discontent among Douglass's new recruits. Thomas Wall soon announced his intention to remain in Charleston to teach the guitar,⁵⁷ and Henrietta Osborne published a notice calling upon her creditors to present their bills for payment, as she intended to "immediately depart this Province for Europe."⁵⁸ William Verling also disappeared to become a wanderer, making an occasional reappearance in early American theatrical history.

Although the discontent of his key personnel had probably led to the cessation of acting, Douglass still continued entertaining in the theatre by giving George Alexander Stevens's Lecture on Heads.⁵⁹ This was probably a pirated version of this famous lecture, for it was not published in London until the following year. It is quite possible that Douglass had 142. secured the script from some actor in London, or had even gone to hear the lecture and memorized the words, a practice not unknown in those days.

On May 6, the manager of the American Company advertised for those "who have Demands on him to come and receive their Payment,"⁶⁰ but he remained in Charleston at least until the first of June.⁶¹

Before he left for the northern colonies, Douglass persuaded Thomas Wall to give up his intention of remaining in Charleston to teach music. After their departure, the theatre was dark except for such occasions as Mr. Pike's annual ball.⁶²

CHAPTER VIII
QUAKERS, PLAYS AND PLAYERS
(Philadelphia, 1766-1767)

While Douglass was in South Carolina, the theatre in New York had for the most part remained dark. In April, 1764, the Chapel street playhouse had been advertised for rent, the building being described as "very convenient for a store."¹ Whether it was ever put to such use is not known, but it was not until early 1765 that it was used for the purpose for which it was intended.

Upon this occasion the actors appearing upon the stage of the theatre were members of a make-shift company under the direction of a Mr. Tomlinson, who advertised his troupe as "a Company of young Gentlemen." Tomlinson, whose name was soon to appear in the casts of the American Company, may have been sent out by Douglass to New York from England to await the arrival of the company. Instead of marking time, Tomlinson and his wife seem to have gathered a group of young theatrical aspirants and opened the playhouse. In late February and early March of 1765 the company had acted the program of The Fair Penitent and The Lying Valet twice—on each occasion being advertised for the "Benefit of Mr. Tomlinson."² In April, George Barnwell was played as a benefit for "the Prisoners in the New Gaol."³ After this 144. brief appearance, the ambitious thespians disappeared for a year, possibly to avoid the threat of violence which hung in the air like a heavy mist.

This was a time of flaring tempers and angry words, of a people who felt their liberties had been trifled with in the passage of that piece of legislation termed the Stamp Act. Out of the words came stubborn action. Non-importation agreements tied up ships in the harbor, and idle sailors strengthened the force of the mobs roving the streets of New York. Those who expressed approval of the act were forced to make public apologies, and were toasted in the taverns with the hope that they might be exposed to "a perpetual Itching without Benefit of Scratching."⁴ The very loose and semi-patriotic organization terming themselves "the Sons of Liberty" even went so far as to place the theatre under their surveillance in the Spring of 1766. "A grand meeting of the Sons of Liberty [was held] to settle matters of the moment, amongst the many whether they shall admit the strollers, arrived here to act, tho the General [Gage] has given them Permission."⁵ Subsequent events indicate that they arrived at a negative decision.

These "strollers" seem to have been Tomlinson's group once again, for they followed the same pattern of production as the company of the year before. Quite likely they had been out on a tour of the provinces to escape the dangers of the city. If they were aware of the disapproval of the Sons of Liberty they showed no indication of it. Five days after the CONTEMPORARY ILLUSTRATION OF ENGLISH THEATRE RIOT
Note: Hoops or chandeliers, spikes across front of stage boxes.
Courtesy Harvard Theatre Collection 145. meeting on April 9, 1766, they acted The Twin Rivals,⁶ and offered a repeat performance of the comedy on May 5. They doubtless felt that all danger of molestation was now past, "As the Packet is arrived, and has been the Messenger of good News relative to the Repeal, it is hoped the Public has no Objection to the above Performance." It was also considered politic to add "a Song in Praise of Liberty."⁷

Passions fundamentally grounded in anger are not easily calmed. Mobs still roamed the streets of New York, now venting their restlessness in celebration rather than in denunciation. Still, there were complaints that the playhouse should not be allowed to open at a time when money was badly needed for the payment of debts. On the day of the performance, a rumor ran through the town that those who attended the theatre that night "would meet with some Disturbance from the Multitude." This whispered threat kept many of the would-be audience at home, but more adventurous souls disregarded the warning as small-talk and attended the theatre as they had planned. Midway through the first act, the flame of a single candle flared as a tiny signal in the darkness outside the playhouse. There was a loud "Huzza" from many voices as a mob suddenly burst through the doors into the pit. The screaming audience pushed their way into the street, while others, their clothes almost stripped from their bodies, leaped from open windows. Miraculously, there was only one serious injury in the confusion of the flight. Once the spectators had cleared the building, the mob began methodically to tear down the theatre, carrying away the pieces to the common. That night, between ten and eleven o'clock, a great bonfire 146. blazed⁸—the funeral pyre of the Chapel Street Theatre.

This, and the reports of the sentiment in other colonies, was more than likely the reason that Douglass ordered his company to remain in the West Indies until the fall, which would also allow the time necessary to erect a new theatre in Philadelphia. Apparently he had no intention of returning to New York until passions cooled.

Philadelphia, with its religious factions, was indeed a city of paradoxes. There were cries to outlaw the drama, yet no objection was raised to the masthead of William Bradford's Pennsylvania Journal which now featured a cut of a bare-breasted female to distract the eye of the reader from the printed word. There had been no protests in 1763 when a benefit had been performed in London's Drury-Lane to raise funds for the colleges of Philadelphia and New York. In the latter incident there had been an ocean between, and the selection had been The Cure of Saul, "A Sacred Ode."⁹ But when it was learned that Douglass's "dangerous School of Vice" would return to the city, many were the cries of protest. "The Censor" led off the attack with a condemnation of the drama in general. Tragedy, he declared to be the means by which "Vices are brought into Credit," and as for Comedies:

I can scarcely speak of them with any Temper. Under the plausible Pretense of making a Man acquainted with the World, Cursing, Swearing, Duelling, Whoring, Drinking, &c. are introduced, and seldom in such a Manner as to excite Horror in the Mind, but are passed off with a Laugh.¹⁰

THE SOUTHWARK THEATRE, PHILADELPHIA, PA.
From Hornblow, History of the Theatre in America

The new theatre serving as the target for these literary outbursts was located in Cedar street, in Southwark, just south of the city. Not only was this the best theatre yet constructed in the colonies, but it was one of the first which had been designed for permanence. The exterior of the building presented a first floor of crude brick construction supporting a frame structure, which was painted the dull red so favored by eighteenth-century theatre managers. The roof was surmounted by a bell-shaped cupola, possibly added as an aid to ventilation. Construction costs of this building of around ninety-five by fifty feet had totaled approximately £360.¹¹ That the building was more functional than decorative was noted in a description of the interior of the Southwark Theatre in 1786:

The building, compared with the new houses, was an ugly ill­contrived affair outside and inside. The stage was lighted by plain oil lamps without glasses. The view from the boxes was intercepted by large square wooden pillars supporting the upper tier and roof. It was contended by many, at the time, that the front bench in the gallery was the best seat for a fair view of the stage.¹²

The "new Theatre in Southwark" opened on November 12, 1766 with The Provok'd Husband and Thomas and Sally. Because of the large crowd expected on opening night, "Ladies and gentlemen will please to send their Servants to keep their places in the Boxes, at 4 o'Clock."¹³ The dramatis personae of the company now included the Douglasses, the Owen Morrisses, the Allyns, Lewis Hallam, Thomas Wall, Stephen Woolls, Margaret Cheer, Miss Wainwright, 148. Nancy Hallam, and the Dowthaitt sisters.¹⁴ The Tomlinsons of the ill-fated New York venture had now joined Douglass, as had a Mr. Matthews, who was to prove a better dancer than actor. Mrs. Douglass was beginning to relinquish more of her feminine leads to Margaret Cheer. The manager's wife had wisely begun to assume the more matronly roles which her figure demanded.

There were no other appreciable changes in the cast until after the New Year. On January 2, 1767, "a young Gentleman" played Moneses in Tamerlane,¹⁵ and a week later he reappeared as Horatio in Hamlet. Undoubtedly this was the tryout of the actor who was shortly to be listed in the casts as Mr. Graville, and whose real name was Samuel Greville.¹⁶ This same presentation of Hamlet also marked the first appearances of Mrs. Wall and Mr. Platt, both of whom were destined to play minor roles. There was also a new dancer, replacing Mr. Matthews, a young lad by the name of James Verling Godwin.¹⁷ Godwin had received instruction in theatrical dancing from John Baptist Tioli, of London, who had been operating a dancing school in Philadelphia for over a year.¹⁸

A young and wide-eyed college student, answering to the name of "Neddie" Burd, described the play and the actors for his sister with an air of incredulity that anyone that he knew could become a player:

Uncle J. C. made me a present of a Ticket to see the Play. Mr. Hallam is the best Actor according to the common Opinion, but I am fonder of Mr. Allyn. Miss Cheer & Miss Wainwright are the best Actresses; the latter is the best Woman Singer & Mr. Woolls is their 149. excellent Man Singer. James Godwin who used to be Mr. Tioli's dancing Boy dances & acts upon the stage. They say he gets £4 per Week. A young gentleman by Name Mr. Gravel has commenced an Actor on Account of his Debts, for He is accounted an extravagant Young Fellow. He was of a good Family in South Carolina. And was sent to Prince Town College with a view of qualifying him for the Gown—But disliking the strict Rules of that Seminary He came to our College, & shortly after he left it too & commenced a Student of the Law under Mr. Galloway, but his Mother having married again, She refused to supply his Extravagance upon which he is now taken to the stage for his Support, notwithstanding the kind Offers of Mrs. Galloway to maintain him till he is settled in the World, if he will quit his Designs. He is a very handsome young Fellow & has a clear Voice—He has acted twice but has no action which is the very Soul of good Playing. The People in general here rather pity than condemn him: this is the Consequence of loose Morals & may serve him as a Lesson to others.¹⁹

Such was the debut of Samuel Greville who, assuming that Godwin had come to this country as an apprentice to Tioli, was the first known native American to become a professional actor.

In early January Douglass made one mistake for which he was forced to make retribution. Because of a small audience he allowed a less popular play to be substituted for the one advertised, and was so roundly criticized that he hastened to publish an apology in the local press.²⁰

The players could ill afford to antagonize any friend of the theatre in Philadelphia. No apology would satisfy the religious faction, whose frowns were directed not only towards the theatre, but also any other form of entertainment. To his brother-in-law the fun-loving Alexander Mackrabie complained, "I am quite tired of plodding for ever in this confounded Quaker Town. Plague take it!" He then went on to explain the extremes to which he was forced to go to find the pleasures of youth:

Seven Sleighs with two Ladies and two men in each, preceded by Fiddlers on horseback set out together upon a snow of about a foot deep on the Roads, to the Public-House a few Miles from Town, where we danced, sung, and romped and eat and drunk and kicked away care 150. from Morning till Night, and finished our Frolic in two or three Side­boxes at the Play.²¹

Not all those who went to the Philadelphia theatre attended for the sake of amusement. Drama was beginning to carve its niche in American culture, and thus, it became subject to thoughtful criticism by those who considered themselves capable judges of the fare offered by the American Company. One of this group, signing himself "Critic," acknowledged Lewis Hallam to be "genteel in his Person and Action," but also proceeded to analyze his delivery with:

there is much Fault to be found with Mr. Hallam's Method of articulating.—He has begun, and continues, in a bad Habit of speaking; he seems to suck in, or at least not to utter the first Letters of the Words he speaks.²²

Criticism in Philadelphia was never limited to censure of acting techniques. Although the season of 1767-1768 could possibly be termed the most brilliant in the entire colonial period, Douglass and his actors were constantly harassed by the carping of religious fanatics possessed of a literary flair. The cold winds of winter had forced many to spend an evening by the fireside in deep reflection. Their conclusions with respect to the playhouse had been 151. written with pens dipped in gall, and their vehement protests appeared in all three Philadelphia newspapers throughout the winter. The theatre was compared with "Tippling Houses," and named "that School of Debauchery among us."²⁴ "A Friend To All Mankind" cried despairingly, "Good God! to what depth of insensibility are these unhappy people fallen."²⁵ "Philadelphus" reprinted a series of anti-theatrical essays by the English divine, William Jay, in the Chronicle, which likened the playhouse to image worship, and decried it as ribald and profane.²⁶ "Eugenio" insisted that not even the sublime poetry of Shakespeare could atone for the low buffoonery, while the "still voice of Religion is drowned amid the transport of passion…"²⁷ "Altera Pars" not only ridiculed the players, but accused patrons of the theatre of attending this temple of sin to witness their own wickedness reflected upon the stage in "wild rant, immodest passions, and profane language." His dogmatic conclusion was that "The stage never had one innocent play."²⁸

For the first time, proponents of the theatre marshaled their talents to oppose the more devout element. "Z" composed a ringing denial of any and all accusations leveled at the players and defended the character of the actresses with the statement, "Miss Cheer has never honoured me with a dish of tea, nor have I received from Miss Wainwright any more important favour."²⁹ "A Free Thinker" accused "Philadelphus" of being "one of the hypochondiac 152. gloomy crew," and, with tongue-in-cheek, cited as one of the advantages to be gained from the drama: "The art of seducing a maid is perhaps no other way to be gained than by the theatre."³⁰ "A. B." could only express sympathy for the opposition with "O you poor, blind, hard-hearted people, to condemn others because they do not see as you do. There are many stumbling blocks in the road of life, consider the consequences, especially if you say the lord's Prayer."³¹ For the first time, Douglass did not offer excuses and attempt to placate the religious group, but entered into the dispute by publishing his own pungent comments. Dusting off an essay written in New York some five years earlier, he stated that he had "with all the composure imaginable overlooked the torrent of incomprehensible abuse which has been of late, so plentifully bestowed upon the theatre…" He was convinced that his persecutors had no knowledge of the "nature and tendency" of the drama, and summed up his basic argument in these words: "Has the stage been abused? So has the Pulpit… But ought a good Clergyman to suffer on this account? by no means."³² The endorsement of an Anglican ecclesiastic was received when the Reverend William Smith published his True Pleasure, Chearfulness, and Happiness, … With Some Remarks on the Theatre, Addressed to a Young Lady in Philadelphia.³³ No doubt there was some favorable comment when Mr. Woolls and the Misses Wainwright and Hallam appeared in a concert held in the Second Street Academy for the benefit of the poor.³⁴ At least it was a bid for respectability.

Despite his strong support, Douglass made some concessions to the mores and sentiments of the Quakers and Presbyterians. When Congreve's Love For Love, With The Humours of Ben, The Sailor was played on February 20, it was announced:

Mr. Congreve's Comedies are allowed to abound with genuine wit & true Humour; but, in compliance with the licentious Taste of the Times in which they were written, the Author has in some places given the Rein to the wanton Muse, and deviated from those Rules a more refined Age, and chaste stage require: The Reviver of this Play, has taken the Freedom to crop such Luxuriances, and expunge every Passage that might be offensive either to Decency or good Manners.³⁵

Other concessions were made by Douglass to his audience to satisfy the growing demand for the light and the lyrical. Romeo and Juliet was no longer just a romantic tragedy of young love. In addition to the familiar "funeral Procession of Juliet, to the Monument of the Capulets; and a Solem Dirge," the play was now well-sprinkled with songs and incidental dances. The sprightly Margaret Cheer also made a much more believable Juliet than the stately Mrs. Douglass.

With the expansion of his repertoire, in spite of the additional players in his company Douglass was sometimes forced to call upon non-acting personnel to take their turn upon the stage. Mr. Broadbelt, who seems to have been happiest when performing administrative duties, was sometimes called in to supplement the regular cast.³⁶ A Mr. Appleby also seems to have been a non-acting member of the company who was sometimes pressed into service.³⁷

Douglass was constantly striving for new effects and new methods to please his audiences. Both Godwin and Matthews continued to appear in 154. dancing roles, sometimes the two of them dancing on the same bill. Godwin was cast in many supporting roles also. Local ingenuity was employed in creating new visual impressions. On April 2, 1767, when The Gamester was played, the advertisements carried the boast that, in addition to the new scenery which Douglass had brought back from London, "The Machinery, Deceptions, Decorations," etc. for the accompanying Harlequin were entirely new.³⁸

On April 13, 1767, the newspapers carried the announcement that "a new Comic Opera, called, The DISAPPOINTMENT: OR, THE FORGE OF CREDULITY," would be acted on April 20. This was the first time that a play written by a native American had been advertised as a production of a professional company. The same issue of the newspaper in which this announcement appeared, also carried the notice that the play had been published and could be purchased locally. The name of the author was revealed as Andrew Barton,³⁹ a pseudonym adopted by Thomas Forrest of Germantown. The play had been written as a comic satire and ^{the play} was a vigorous and good natured, but coarse two-act view of contemporary manners. The plot revolved around a hunt for Blackbeard's treasure, supposed to have been buried near Cooper's Point on the Delaware River.⁴⁰ Forrest introduced in "Raccoon," the first Negro in _American drama, and his was the first attempt at Negro dialect.⁴¹ The libretto included eighteen songs, or "Airs," but no music was furnished. The words were to be accompanied by popular tunes of the day. For instance, it was directed that "Air IV" was to 155. be sung to the tune of the rollicking "Yankee Doodle."⁴² The primary target of the satire was Richard Swan, Philadelphia's foremost hatter,⁴³ who possibly wielded such power that he was able to block the presentation of the play. In any event, three days after the original announcement of the play, the papers carried the notice of the substitution of The Mourning Bride, and the explanation: "The DISAPPOINTMENT, that was advertised for Monday, as it contains personal reflections, is unfit for the Stage."⁴⁴

Douglass, having whetted the appetite of playgoers for a native play, advertised The Prince of Parthia, "written by the late ingenious Mr. Thomas Godfrey of this city," to be played on the night of April 24.⁴⁵ Godfrey had been praised by his contemporaries as "one of the first Sons of the Muses on this Side of the Atlantic,"⁴⁶ and his father was the original inventor of the instrument which was to become known as Hadley's quadrant.⁴⁷ The young playwright had died in Wilmington, North Carolina, August 1, 1763,⁴⁸ leaving as his literary legacy several poems and the manuscript of The Prince of Parthia, which had been published in 1765.⁴⁹ The scene was laid in 156. Parthia sometime around the beginning of the Christian era, and the play was concerned with events supposedly drawn from history, and dealt only in grand passions and noble sentiments.⁵⁰ Certainly there was nothing in the script to offend either morals or virtue. The unpopularity of the play is attested by the fact that it was never again presented by the Douglass Company. ⁵¹

Not only did Douglass exercise his versatility in coping with the problems encountered in his relations with the public, but also he was forced to display his adroitness in dealing with the minor crises constantly arising within the ranks of the American Company. When the cast of Cymbeline called for more male actors than he could produce, he dressed Mrs. Harman, whose curves had by this time degenerated into lumps, in pants and cast her in the part of Pissanio.⁵² Thomas Wall lost his chest containing a thousand personal benefit tickets—Douglass had new ones printed which featured the masonic emblem as a familiar symbol easily recognized by the door-keepers.⁵³ As a means of tempering the hot weather of June, the theatre was "properly aired,"54 and it was announced there were "some Alterations made in the House, in order to render it Cool."⁵⁵ Spermaceti candles were substituted for those made of tallow, thus reducing the two audience irritants of smoke 157. and hot, dripping wax.⁵⁶ As usual, spring rains sometimes forced the postponement of scheduled plays,⁵⁷ especially on benefit nights when it was to the advantage of the actors to play to a full house.

Indecision delayed the closing of the playhouse. On June 29, Cymbeline was advertised as "Positively" the last play of the season.⁵⁸ On July 2 the same emphatic adjective was used in announcing a benefit for Mr. Broadbelt, who had renounced a benefit because of the heat and expense, but now had "altered his Resolution."⁵⁹ The season finally came to an end on July 6 when The Constant Couple was played as a benefit for Mrs. Wall, "by the Advice of her Friends, and as the Weather is more favorable than usual at this Season of the Year, has ventured to take a Benefit, which she had before declined."⁶⁰

The players were idle during the remaining summer months. Douglass went to New York to make the necessary arrangements for the erection of a new theatre in that city, and perhaps to sound out the opposition against the players. There was still a strong religious currant running through the city, for the best selling book in New York (now in its sixth edition) was A Sure Guide to Hell, by Beelzebub.⁶¹ There was also evidence that the drama was being tolerated. A Mr. Bayly and a Mr. Tea had, throughout the spring, been entertaining the town with plays performed by their puppets, or "artificial comedians." Their theatre had been at "the sign of the 158. Orange-Tree, on Golden Hill," and they had followed theatrical practice to the extent of giving a performance for the benefit of the prisoners in the city gaol.⁶² The two promoters had contributed to the entertainment by appearing in dances and harlequinades.⁶³ On May 18, they had presented a "live" performance of The Orphan with a cast composed of "Gentlemen, and Ladies, for their Amusement." Necessary scenery, decorations and "A good Bank of Musick" were featured in their advertisements.⁶⁴

This hybrid company had ceased their operations by the time of Douglass's arrival in New York. To defray expenses, Douglass rented "Mr. Burn's Assembly Room" as early as July 17, and initiated a lecture series featuring Stevens's Lecture on Heads on each Tuesday and Thursday "for the short Time he has to stay in Town." Stephen Woolls appeared in these programs with popular vocal selections. On July 31, Douglass felt forced to lower the price of admission by one-half, possibly because of the recent American publication of this celebrated dissertation. On August 6 he gave his last lecture in New York,⁶⁵ after which Douglass and Woolls returned to join the company in Philadelphia.

Sometime in the past, the services of a bearded young Irish giant had been contracted for. Twenty-one-year-old John Henry had made a rather pathetic debut at Drury-Lane and had then fled to Jamaica, where audiences were not so demanding. In the West Indies he had made the acquaintance of a former singer who had been billed as a Miss Clark of Covent Garden, but who was now using her married name of Mrs. Storer. She was still a handsome 159. woman, although she was the mother of four daughters—Helen, Ann, Fanny and Maria. John Henry seems to have considered that each of these girls had been brought into the world for his special benefit. Of the four girls, only Fanny managed to eventually escape the clutches of the young actor, who "easily wins the laurels as the first incautious amorist of the American stage, although be it said to his credit, he restricted his activities (so far as we know and that was far enough) to the Storer girls."⁶⁶

In Jamaica, Henry had married the eldest of the girls, Helen, who had borne him two children. The entire family, including Mrs. Storer and the other three girls, had sailed to America in the brig, Dolphin. They had made the voyage without incident until, within sight of the American main­land the vessel burst into flames as a result of an accident in the hold. When her babies had been trapped in the cabin, Helen Henry had thrown herself into the holocaust in a futile effort to rescue them, and had herself perished in the flames. Henry and the rest of the family had managed to reach shore safely.⁶⁷ Leaving his mother-in-law and two of her daughters to mourn their loss, Henry, accompanied by Ann Storer, continued his journey to Philadelphia to join Douglass.

Before the arrival of John Henry, Douglass had re-opened Philadelphia's Southwark Theatre, delivering the Lecture on Heads. At the same time Lewis Hallam appeared in a declamation called "the Dissertation of the Hearts of a British Sailor, and his Agent for Prize-Money." An orchestra accompanied Stephen Woolls, Miss Wainwright and Miss Hallam in musical interludes during the intermissions.⁶⁸

The Company remained in Philadelphia for a short fall season, in order to allow time for the construction of the new theatre in New York and to take advantage of the large crowds in Philadelphia at this time. The first play was The Roman Father on October 9. Even the prospect of an abridged season delighted Alexander Mackrabie, who wrote, "We have Races here next week, and a Review, and Plays. This is the busiest Season in Philadelphia."⁶⁹

In The Roman Father both John Henry and Ann Storer made their American debut, and both were billed as "from the Theatre in Jamaica." A Mr. Roberts also began the first of many appearances in minor roles, but except for these three new members, the cast was essentially the same as in the spring. In this play Douglass continued his emphasis of the spectacular; the bills and advertisements stressed "a Procession of Roman Youths and Virgins, with an Ovation."⁷¹

Early in November, Douglass began issuing periodic warnings that the theatre would soon be closed for some time, and those in possession of tickets were urged to use them as quickly as possible. On November 19, 1767, the American premiere of The Clandestine Marriage was acted, and in the part of "Traverse"⁷² appeared a Mr. Malone, who seems to have been the Patrick Malone of the old Hallam Company. This same play was repeated one week later as the concluding performance of the year, with Mrs. Douglass having the final word in "A Farewell Epilogue to the Ladies."⁷³

No season, however short, was allowed to pass unnoticed by the 161. persistent Quakers and Presbyterians. They presented their usual petition to the Governor, and its chances of success seemed to be so strong that "Neddie" Burd prophesied to his sister: "The Players must soon leave off here & will not be again permitted to act these two Years. They are Going to New York but it is believed that the Opposition will be strong enough to prevent their acting There."⁷⁴

Once again, the American Company seems to have become involved in that now familiar predicament—caught between two fires.

CHAPTER IX
INDIANS, ROYALTY AND FIREWORKS
(New York-Philadelphia, 1767-1770)

The players, upon their return to New York, encountered only passive resistance from unorganized opponents in that city. The new theatre had been completed. located on the north side of John street, it was roughly constructed of wood, and painted the usual red color. The building itself was set back about sixty feet from the street, with a rough covered passage­way protecting the carriage trade from inclement weather. Inside, the dressing rooms and the green room were located beneath an extra large stage. There were the usual pit and gallery, but there were two rows of boxes, with a capacity house yielding receipts to the equivalent of $800.¹

On the overland journey from Philadelphia, the company was involved in a real-life tragedy. An account appeared in the Mercury:

one of the Stage-Waggons, crossing the Ferry at kill van Kull, in a scow, some of the passengers seated themselves in the Waggon; but on approaching the shore the Waggon was by some means over­turn'd into the River, by which accident two women (Mrs. Morris, belonging to the Play-House and her maid) were drown'd.

Owen Morris was in mourning when the new John Street Theatre opened with The Beaux Stratagem on December 7, 1767. On this occasion his usual role of "Scrub" was played by Thomas Wal1.³ But one week was enough to mourn 163. a wife, even one who was a beautiful and gifted actress, and when Richard III was played on December 14, Morris appeared as usual. This was to be one of the biggest nights of the year. A short while before a group of Cherokee Indians, led by the famous Attakullakulla, or "Little Carpenter," arrived from South Carolina to seek General Gage's aid in mediating a peace treaty between their tribes and the Six Nations of the Iroquois. They were soon to leave for Albany, to enter into the negotiations which were to be conducted by Sir William Johnson. When they heard that there was a playhouse in town and expressed a desire to see a play, General Gage ordered box seats reserved for them.⁴ Douglass selected his program with a great deal of care, realizing that, on this occasion, actions would speak louder than words. The action-packed Richard III was presented as the main bill of fare, to be followed by a pantomime ballet called Harlequin's Vagaries, the latter starring Lewis Hallam, Owen Morris and Margaret Cheer. Douglass called all of his talents into action in exploiting the visit of the Indians. He billed the play as a command performance, and referred to the visiting chieftain not only by his more familiar names, but also as "The Great Warrior of Estator," and "The Raven King."⁵

This shrewd advertising had its desired effect. On the night of the play "a great Concourse of People" tried to push their way into the building. The available seats were quickly occupied and the door-keepers were forced to turn a large number of people away. A writer for the New York Journal appears to have paid more attention to the reactions of the savages than the action on the stage:

The Indians regarded the Play (which was King Richard III), with Seriousness and Attention, but as it cannot be supposed that they 164. were sufficiently acquainted with the language to understand the Plot and Design, and enter into the Spirit of the Author, their Countenances and Behaviour were rather expressive of Surprise and Curiosity, than any other Passions. —Some of them were much surprised and diverted at the tricks of HARLEQUIN.⁶

It seems quite likely that the music for this production was furnished by Wi11iam Hulett, the dancer of the old Hallam Company, who now operated a music school in New York. Certainly he was well acquainted with the members of the company, for on December 3 he was joined by Mr. Woolls and Miss Hallam at his benefit in Burns's Assembly Room, which was to be followed by a ball,⁷ the music for which was probably furnished by the same group who performed at the theatre.

The theatre continued to draw near capacity houses even after the visit of the Cherokees. So many people came to the playhouse in carriages that Douglass, in his newspaper advertisements, suggested a route to be followed in the streets in the vicinity of the theatre. This was, in effect, an early practice of one-way streets.⁸ This interest by the gentry had probably been stimulated by the governor, Sir Henry Moore, who displayed the same interest in the New York theatre that he had in the Jamaica playhouse. Not only had he readily granted the necessary permission to perform, but one production of The Busy Body was "By Command of Lady Moore."⁹ The three Masonic Lodges of the city also honored Masons in the cast by requesting a performance of Cymbeline.¹⁰

This scene of gaiety and frivolity was only surface-deep. The imposition 165. of the Townshend Acts had brought into the open again that bitterness which had subsided with the repeal of the Stamp Act. Every issue of every newspaper carried articles urging the practice of frugality. The heavy attendance at the theatre succeeded in drawing the fire of several commentators. Although Douglass, on December 30, staged the appropriately titled Mourning Bride "for the Benefit of the Debtors, in the New City-hall,"¹¹ "Philander" constantly abused the theatre and actors in general. He admittedly doubted the authenticity of a rumor which had said that £50 had been offered to reserve a box for the season, but that did not prevent him from publicising the whisper. To him it appeared "that people were grown mad after plays," which tended to promote "a spirit of dissipation and extravagance."¹² "R. S." allied himself with "Philander" and made pungent observations on the practices of the players:

Some pretend that good moral instructions are to be learned at a play, —I wish they would give us a list of these plays, for our actors don't seem to hit upon them; I wonder what father would recommend any comedy that has yet been acted, to his daughter for instruction or imitation; intrigue, cuckoldom, and imposing on parents and guardians are the main plots.¹³

After Philadelphia, these attacks must have seemed comparatively mild, and Douglass and the American Company seem not to have been irritated by them. Few of the audience seemed to take these writers seriously.

There were some changes in the cast. On January 7, 1768, when The Gamester and Catherine and Petruchio (an expurgated version of The Taming of The Shrew) were performed, Maria Storer made her first appearance by singing a song at the end of the play.¹⁴ On January 28, a Mr. Raworth joined 166. the company to play minor roles;¹⁵ by the infrequency of his appearances, he may have been one of the non-acting employees of the company. On March 24, Fanny Storer appeared in the cast for the first time.¹⁶ Allyn seems to have now left the company.

The size and ability of the American Company was such that Douglass could stage any play presented by Covent Garden or Drury Lane in London. Even so, "A Gentleman" would oft-times persuade the manager to allow him to play the lead in some popular play. He would always remain anonymous in the playbills, for it was against all rules of propriety that the name of a member of the gentry should be linked publicly with those of the actors. New plays were presented to the New York audience just as soon as a script became available, and sometimes old forgotten farces or Harlequins would be revived. One new play was presented this season, Dryden's All For Love or The World Well Lost,¹⁷ a variation on the Anthony-Cleopatra theme, while there were three new farces, Polly Honeycomb, Neck or Nothing,¹⁸ and All In The Wrong.¹⁹

The gentlemen of the city seemed to vie with each other in requestIng the performance of favorite plays or farces. Sometimes, when there were conflicting solicitations, Douglass would tactfully append a note to the play­bills explaining:

Mr. Douglass, in the most respectful Manner, begs Leave to acquaint the Gentlemen, who did him the Honour of a Note Yesterday Morning, desiring The Honest Yorkshireman, might be substituted in the Room of Catherine and Petruchio, that he could not make the Alteration without disobliging some Gentlemen, at whose Request it was given out.²⁰

In early April, the Cherokees returned from Albany, but without their leader. After successfully negotiating a treaty with the Six Nations, "Little Carpenter" returned home by way of Pittsburgh in an effort to effect similar pacts with the Delawares and the Shawnees.²¹ The remaining Indians had come down the Hudson to take passage for South Carolina from New York. Apparently these warriors had become stage-struck, and the play, A Wonder! A Woman Keeps A Secret!, announced for April 7, became a secondary attraction. In "Return for the friendly Reception and civilities they have received in this city," the Indians offered to perform a war dance upon the stage of the John Street playhouse at the end of the regular performance. Worried because of the natural antipathy of any colonial toward any Indian in war dress, Douglass felt called upon to caution the audience:

It is highly presumed, that no part of the Audience will forget the proper Decorum so essential to all public Assemblies, particularly on this Occasion, as the Persons who have condescended to contribute to their Entertainment are of Rank and Consequence in their own Country.²²

Dancing was seen less during this season in New York than formerly. James Godwin and Mr. Matthews apparently had severed relations with the American Company before the actors had left Philadelphia. Group dancing by the cast became the fashion, and there were more and more musical numbers. On one occasion, a spectacle was made of "God Save the King," with mr. Woolls carrying the melody, supported by a chorus of all the young female singers 168. in the company.²⁴ Such extravaganzas may have been necessary to offset the popularity of "the two Italian Brothers from Tunis," who were exhibiting fireworks displays in Ranelagh Gardens.²⁵

By this time it had become evident that Margaret Cheer was by far the best actress in the troupe. When she became ill on the eve of Miss Hallam's benefit, Douglass was forced to substitute Love In A Village for The Clandestine Marriage, as the former was the only play in the repertoire in which Miss Cheer did not play an important part²⁶ —and this was before the day of understudies.

The warmer weather of spring led Douglass to make frequent assurances that precautions had been taken to keep the house cool.²⁷ But the actors were troubled by more than the heat. Strong rumors of ^such trivial matters such as the one that Stephen Wall^'s planned to defer his benefit, presumably for a more favorable date, forced public denials in the papers.²⁸ Because of this whispering campaign, perhaps it is fortunate that the season ended on June 2, 1768, with Mrs. Douglass's benefit of the Earl of Essex and Fanny the Phantom. From outward appearances, it seems^appears that the company either spent the summer in New York, or made brief tours through the provinces. The former seems to be the more likely, as Mr. Woolls and Miss Wainwright were engaged by Ranelagh Gardens to appear in concerts every Monday and Thursday evening, to be followed by the fireworks exhibition of the "two Italian Brothers."²⁹

The John Street Theatre was re-opened briefly in August when Douglass and Hallam appeared in a brief lecture series on "Heads, Coats of Arms, Wigs, Horse Jockies, Sciences, Honesty, Flattery, Ladies Head Dresses, &c. &c."³⁰ After this kaleidoscopic display of erudition, the company set out for Philadelphia.

The petition submitted to the governor of Pennsylvania by the Quakers the year before had not been effective. Life had been dull in Philadelphia, especially for Alexander Mackrabie, who had complained to his sister, "we have no plays or public diversion of any kind; not so much as a walk for the ladies… "³¹ But life did not hold such dismal prospects for one of the comedians. On August 29, 1768, the Pennsylvania Gazette carried the exciting news that, "Last week was married in Maryland, the Right Hon. Lord Rosehill, to Miss Margaret Cheer, a Lady much admired for her theatrical performances."³² This marriage is unique for several reasons. In the first place, Margaret Cheer was the first actress of the American stage to capture a British title. In the second, the marriage did not last. It appears quite possible that the man the petite actress married was an imposter. Burke's Peerage lists the wife of Lord Rosehill as Catherine Cameron.³³ The most plausible explanation of this discrepancy between the newspapers and the records is that the wedding was a marriage of convenience. Whatever the explanation, the news of Miss Cheer's possible retirement must have come as something of a blow to Philadelphia theatre-goers, one of whom had said of her just a few months earlier: 170.

Miss Cheer never loses the sweetest accent, or faulters in the Clearness of Expression… I am not alone, when I pronounce her one of the best Players in the Empire; she appears to me, from that Ease of Behaviour, which always shines through every Action, to have been much among People of Fashion, for she well fits the highest Character she ever assumes. ³⁴

It is said the Right Hon. Lady Rosehill (late Miss Cheer) has engaged to perform with Mr. Douglass, in the theatres of Philadelphia and New York, for the ensuing Winter, at a sum much above 10£ per week, and a benefit.
We hear that the theatre in Soathwark will be opened (for one month only) on Wednesday the 21st instant, with a comedy.³⁵

Despite this announcement the theatre did not open until October 6, and rather than the announced comedy, the tragedy of George Barnwell was acted.³⁶ For this opening performance a gifted young store-keeper by the name of Francis Hopkinson composed a prologue which was substantially a plea for toleration. Lewis Hallam recited the words which demonstrated how the moral influence of the theatre might be employed as a school for virtue:

To bid reviving virtue raise her head,
And far abroad her heav'nly influence shed;
The soul by bright examples to inspire,
And kindle in each breast celestial fire:
For injur'd innocence to waken fear;
For suff'ring virtue swell the gen'rous tear;
Vice to expose in each assum'd disguise,
And bid the mist to vanish from your eyes,
With keener passion, that you may detest
Her hellish form, how'er like virtue drest:
The must to cherish, genius to Inspire,
Bid fancy stretch the wing, and wit take fire—
For these we come — for these we erect our stage, …

³⁷

The American Company was apparently undergoing severe financial reverses during the early part of this season in Philadelphia. Newspaper advertisements occupied only the bare minimum of space, and they appeared only sporadically in the three papers which were then published in the city. It was not until November 15 that Margaret Cheer was listed in a cast, and then she appeared as "Miss Cheer,"³⁸ rather than under her newly acquired title—an indication that her bridegroom had either abandoned her, or perhaps been exposed as a fraud. Fanny Storer had by this time left the stage (possibly to escape the advances of her amorous brother-in-law), had married a Mr. Metchler and sailed for England.³⁹ A Mr. Byerley was the only new member of the company, probably a replacement for Patrick Malone, who had left the company to seek his fortune in other parts. A Mr. Darby was to begin a brief career on the last day of the season before retiring into the obscurity from which he had come.⁴⁰

The two Italian brothers who had furnished Douglass competition in New York had now arrived in Philadelphia. Rather than enter into a contest for the entertainment shillings of Philadelphia, Douglass employed these pyro­technical artists. After the farce, the brothers appeared on the stage with their fireworks display, which consisted of colorful wheels, arches, fountains, "a Tornant with variegated Fire," and "many more curious pieces, too tedious to insert here." Douglass took this opportunity to remind his customers that even though this exhibition was costing him heavily, he had "with pleasure, embraced the Opportunity of manifesting his Zeal & Attention," and called their attention to the fact that there was no increase in prices.⁴¹ When 172. explosive entertainment was presented again with the December 14, 1768 production of Macbeth,⁴² it could be said that the stage was indeed "full of sound and fury."⁴³

Douglass made a gala affair of the final performance of the season on December 30. Alexander the Great, or The Rival Queens was played for the first time in America, followed by the farce, Fanny the Phantom. Ordinarily, this would have been a full program, but on this occasion, Thomas Wall followed the farce with "a Critical Dissertation upon NOSES," and the evening was finally brought to a close by another farce, Neck or Nothing.⁴⁴

The players closed their short Philadelphia season just as the General Assembly of Pennsylvania was holding their first sessions. In other towns, this would have been the best season for the theatre, but in Philadelphia, their presence would only have reminded the legislators that maybe something could be done about restricting the drama. Douglass left, assuring those in power that he would not return to the city for at least a year, as he planned to go to South Carolina after a season in New York.

Even during this limited period of acting, the company had enhanced its reputation among the patrons of the theatre. Lewis Hallam still clung tenaciouslY to his star billing, despite the presence of John Henry, who appears to have been an actor of at least equal ability. But Hallam's techniques had improved; Alexander Graydon, who was not uncritical of him, was forced to admit:

He was, however, at Philadelphia as much the soul of the Southwark Theatre as ever Garrick was of Drury lane; and if, as doctor 173. Johnson allows, popularity in matters of taste is unquestionable evidence of merit, we cannot withhold a considerable portion of it from Mr. Hallam, notwithstanding his faults.⁴⁵

Just a little over a week from the time of their removal from Philadelphia, Douglass opened New York's John Street Theatre on January 9, 1769, with an unnamed "Comedy and An Entertainment."⁴⁶ A new member, a Mr. Parker, made his first appearance in the cast one week later when Shakespeare's King John was acted in New York for the first time. In spite of the additional actor, the cast called for more male roles than Douglass was able to fill. Accordingly, Douglass dressed up Mrs. Harman in pants to play the part of "Prince Henry,"⁴⁷ which seems to have been more of an expedient than an attempt to appeal to the lecherous eyes of the "Gallery Gods."

Music still continued to play a large part in all productions and was probably still furnished by William Hulett, who had just opened a new school in wall street, where he offered instruction in the violin, german flute, and fencing.⁴⁸ Stephen Woolls still maintained his laurels as the best male singer of the troupe, a position he was to claim "long after all voice had left him, and snuff and shuffle characterized his attempts."⁴⁹ The leading female voices still belonged to Maria Storer, Nancy Hallam and Miss Wainwright. Lewis Hallam, whose singing voice, at best, could have been only fair, essayed such ambitious roles as Captain Macheath in The Beggar's Opera.⁵⁰

Plays and farces presented this season to New York audiences for the first time included Steele's Tender Husband,⁵¹ The Musical Lady,⁵² Garrick's The Guardian,⁵³ and Bickerstaff's The Padlock.⁵⁴ It was in this latter farce that Hallam, as the drunken "Mungo," put to good use his youthful studies of Negro dialect in Jamaica.

This year saw more than the usual special performances. On St. Patrick's Day, the "GRAND KNOT, of the Friendly Brothers of St. Patrick" requested a special performance of The Busy Body, and the natural afterpiece of The Brave Irishman. In the playbills, Douglass very judiciously gave the subtitle rather than the full Captain O'Blunder, Or The Brave Irishman.⁵⁵ The Masons went the Irish one better. They persuaded the governor, who may have been a member of the organization, to request a "Command" performance. The program of The Tender Husbands, Or The Accomplished Fools, and The Upholsterer, Or What News? was originally scheduled for March 20, but because Douglass did not remember that Passion Week fell during this period, he was forced to re-schedule it for March 27.⁵⁶ One other special performance presents something of a mystery as to why it was given. On April 10, Othello was acted, with the title role "attempted by a Gentleman" who was "assisted by other Gentlemen, in the Characters of the Duke and the Senate of Venice." Their purpose was stated as "From a benevolent and generous Design of encouraging 175. the Theatre, and relieving the Performers from some Embarrassments in which they are involved."⁵⁷ These "Embarrassments" were more likely financial, and could have resulted from a new set of scenery which was advertised for this performance. Upon this, as on similar occasions, the boxes were laid into the pit, and box seat prices were charged for the whole.⁵⁸ The "Othello" of this instance was probably Major Moncrief, a British officer then stationed in New York, and who was a prominent amateur actor after the Revolution.⁵⁹

Benefits began in late April, and on May 4 Miss Wainwright sang her swan song in The Maid of the Mill, for her performance in this play marked her retirement from the stage.⁶⁰ The rise of Nancy Hallam is seen in her benefit on May 8, for on this date she succeeded Mrs. Douglass and Miss Cheer to become the third Juliet of the American stage. During the play she also sang "A Memory" as a duet with a "gentleman" who appeared "for his own amusement."⁶¹ Petty irritations plagued the actors during the run of benefits. Mrs. Douglass, pleading illness, begged forgiveness for not soliciting patronage on her benefit night.⁶² Lewis Hallam lost a number of his personal benefit tickets and was forced to invalidate them by placing distinguishing marks on those that remained;⁶³ while Mrs. Harman's finances were in such shape that Stephen Woolls, Nancy Hallam and Maria Storer gave a benefit 176. concert to relieve her difficulties.⁶⁴ On June 25, the season closed with the benefit for Mr. Byerley and Mr. Parker.⁶⁵

There was about a week before the American Company was scheduled to leave, and some of the players seized upon this as an ^the opportunity to do a little free-lancing. John Henry kept the theatre open long enough to deliver a "moral, satirical, and entertaining Lecture, on Hearts," after which he performed Hippesly's famed dance the "Drunken Man," in which he was assisted by Maria Storer.⁶⁶ Samuel Francis, who had postponed the opening of his "very genteel" and "pleasing" Vaux-Hall Gardens because of the theatre,⁶⁷ was repaid for his patience by securing the services of Mr. Woolls and Miss Hallam for his opening night concert.⁶⁸

Shortly after the first of July, the comedians journeyed up the Hudson River to Albany to play a season which was limited to but one month by the governor. No sooner had they arrived than Stephen Wall followed his usual practice of distributing handbills expressing his willingness to teach the guitar while the playhouse was being readied.⁶⁹ There was no theatre building in Albany, and the only available building of ample proportions was the hospital, which Douglass obtained permission to use and fitted up with stage, boxes, and a gallery. On July 10 the players opened with Venice Preserv'd and announced their intention of playing on Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays thereafter. Other than the lowest advertised admission prices anywhere in the colonies—Boxes, 6s., Pit, 4s., Gallery, 2s.—there is no 177. further information as to their success in this town.⁷⁰

By early September, the American Company reappeared in Philadelphia. Douglass possibly planned to return to New York from Albany, but the death of his "great and honour'd Friend and Patron," Governor Moore, on September 11, 1769 would have made the appearance of the players offensive and in ill taste. The demise of the governor also made it more difficult to secure permission from the authorities in power. From outward appearances, it would seem that opposition to plays had somewhat mellowed in Philadelphia. The Academy had apparently launched a program of declamation based on the drama, although the plays were "read," rather than acted. It had been inaugurated on May 29, 1769 with the stately and ponderous "Demostheness Seventh Oration," but had been quickly deviated into the more popular readings of Damon and Phillida, The Beggar's Opera, Love In A Village, and The Musical Lady, then levelled off on June 26 with Dean Swift's Cantata.⁷¹

The Southwark Theatre had been re-opened by Patrick Malone on August 11, nearly a month before the return of the American Company. He had deserted Douglass the year before and had joined the troupe of theatrical malcontents then playing in Annapolis. When that group had disbanded in that graveyard of dramatic organizations, he had returned to Philadelphia, possibly with the hope that he would be allowed to rejoin his former colleagues. While awaiting their return, he had presented a one-man acrobatic exhibition in the theatre. After a display of his agility on the slack wire, on which he performed a "Summerset," he entertained his audience with a hornpipe and an "Epilogue in Character."⁷²

Malone did not join the company upon its return to Philadelphia, although his talent on the slack wire would have been well suited to the programs which they presented. There were no plays acted, but the audience at the Southwark witnessed the nearest thing to eighteenth-century vaudeville. Hallam and Henry combined their talents to give the Lecture on Heads, with appropriate songs by Nancy Hallam during the intermissions. At the conclusion of the performance, the audience would be allowed to troop upon the stage and gaze into the screen of a "Camera Obscura" which reflected images from across the room.⁷³ This was the pattern of entertainment throughout September. Productions were light, and sprinkled liberally with singing and dancing, and were usually performed with the abbreviated cast of Lewis Hallam, John Henry, Mrs. Douglass and Nancy Hallam; Mr. Broadbelt of the business office was sometimes pressed into service, as was "A Gentleman," who could sing and dance. Difficulty with machinery for pantomimes limited the number of "Entertainments" that could be offered.⁷⁴ There was no apparent reason why the players were so restricted in their efforts. Quite possibly Douglass's assurance that he would not return for a year had something to do with it, and it may be assumed that the religious faction had applied pressure on the chief executive to prevent their return.

Whatever the reason, the company was at this time experiencing the worst financial difficulties of its existence. On October 5, Douglass wrote a pathetic letter to Governor John Penn, in which he declared that his position, 179.

covers me with Shame, when the Situation of our Affairs, make so frequent Application absolutely necessary.

I had flatter'd myself, that I shou'd not, for a Year to come, at least, have given your Honour any Trouble, but a Disappointment at Carolina, and the recent loss of a great and honour'd Friend and Patron, whose Memory will ever be dear to the American Theatre, has made such a change in our Circumstances, that nothing but an exertion of that Humanity, which you possess in so eminent a Degree, can save us from Destruction.

Let my Situation speak for me, and, with your usual goodness, do not think me too importunate, if I sollicite your Honour for Permission to open the Theatre, for a short Time, this Winter, previous to my going to Annapolis, where I propose spending the Remainder of it.

The Maid of the Hill, the Padlock, and some other Pieces, not perform'd hitherto, on this stage, will, I flatter myself, give your Honour some Entertainment.

I shou'd not have made my application in this Manner, but wou'd have waited on you myself, were not my feelings, upon this Occasion, too great, to permit me to say what I ought.⁷⁵

This abject plea was effective, although it was not until a month later, on November 8, that the playhouse opened with The Busy Body and The Padlock. During the fall, highlights included the first American performance of the Midas, an "English Burletta," and the steady rise of Nancy Hallam to the position of leading actress. This young and beautiful girl seems to have been also in great demand for her singing, and on November 16 she appeared with Stephen Woolls in the Assembly Room in a vocal and instrumental concert, which was directed by a Mr. Gualdo "After the Italian Method."⁷⁶

Attendance seems to have fallen off. Rather than the usual Monday, Wednesday and Friday night performances, plays were now limited to a two-a­week schedule of Tuesday and Thursday. The behavior of those who did attend was open to censure. Douglass was forced to reprimand his customers with:

The Orchestra, on Opera Nights, will be assisted by some musical persons, who, as they have no view but to contribute to the entertainment of the public, certainly claim a protection from any means of insult.⁷⁷

A theatrical season in Philadelphia would have seemed strange without some manifestation of displeasure by "the People called Quakers." On January 4, 1770, they presented their usual protest to Governor John Penn for allowing the theatre to remain unmolested contrary to law and the "Remonstrances and Addresses of great Numbers of reputable Freemen…"⁷⁹ The governor paid so little attention to this and ^to the usual letters in the newspapers, that on July 19, 1770 the Society of Friends carried their appeal to the Proprietors, Thomas and Richard Penn, deploring the indulgence of the governor for "those Nurseries of Pride, Idleness, Extravagance and luxury, by which many of the People are already corrupted and debased."⁸⁰

As usual, the theatre had its champions, and "Candidus" declared that he was "not ashamed to own, my admiration for dramatic performances hath induced me now and then to associate with some of the performers; from whose conversation I have often received both pleasure and advantage." After this admission, he then defiantly asked, "Who now dare call the Theatre a school of Vice…?"⁸¹

Not even this strong indorsement was sufficient to stimulate flagging attendance, although Douglass did everything within his power to attract customers. He presented more new plays than in any other previous season, 181. including The Siege of Damascus, Edward The Black Prince Or The Battle of Poictiers,⁸² The Tempest, Or The Enchanted Island, The funeral, Or Grief A-La-Mode, Comus, Midas, The Good Natur'd Man, and Julius Caesar.⁸³

Some concessions were made for the simpler tastes of Philadelphia. Douglass reworked Congreve's Love For Love in such a manner that "The Beauties of the author are preserv'd, his Blemishes expung'd."⁸⁴ John Dryden's alteration of Shakespeare's The Tempest was also subjected to the pruning shears, with Douglass deleting the "many indecent luxuriances which Dryden had introduced into it with the vitiated taste of the age in which he wrote."⁸⁵ On January 18, a news item in the Pennsylvania Journal boosted this presentation as one of the top plays of the season:

The TEMPEST is to be acted To-morrow, written by Shakespeare, and alter'd by Dryden: It is one of those plays, in which The Poet of Nature has given an unbounded Scope to his created Imagination: he has not only form'd Beings of a different Species to Manking, but endow'd them with faculties adapted to their Characters — The Scenery, Machinery, and Decorations for this Representation, we are informed, have been prepared at very great Expence, and from the general Impatience among all Ranks of People for its Performance, it is imagined there will be a crowded Audience: A Splendid Appearance at the Theatre To-morrow, will not only reflect Honour on our Taste, by patronizing one of the Chef d'Ouvres of that Immortal Genius, but be some Compensation to the Players, for their bad Success this Season.⁸⁶

Their "bad Success" did not improve, and still Douglass tried in every way to fill the house by added comforts and entertainments for the audience. The rains which fell in February led him to construct a "Foot Way" across the Common to allow ladies to attend the theatre without soiling their shoes. ⁸⁷ 182. As an added attraction the huge John Henry demonstrated his athletic prowess by running twenty feet up a perpendicular scene in the course of one Harlequin afterpiece.⁸⁸ On holidays, the merriment of the audience echoed from the theatre walls. A group of British officers, celebrating St. George's day on April 23,

met at a Tavern, stuffed roast Beef and Plumb Pudding, and got drunk, pour l'honneur de St. George; wore Crosses, and finished the evening at the Play-House, where we made the People all Chorus "God save the King," and "Rule Britannia," and "Britons strike Home," &c., and such like Nonsense; and, in short, conducted ourselves with all the Decency and Confusion usual on such Occasions.⁸⁹

In late May, Douglass was forced to fight fire with fire. The Reverend George Whitefield was making his last American tour, and while in Philadelphia had so denounced the Actors that the manager threatened to act Samuel Foote's The Minor, a biting comic satire on Methodism. A delighted and entranced Alexander Mackrabie witnessed the contest:

I believe I have never told you that we have got Whitefield among us. He preaches like a dragon, curses and blesses us all in one breath, and tells us he hopes to die in the pulpit. He abuses the players, who in turn advertised to perform The Minor … the parsons petitioned the Governor against it, and the performance was dropt.⁹⁰

This was probably the only time that the players had ever stood up against the redoubtable Whitefield, and certainly the first time they had gained a victory.

On June 1 the American premiere of Julius Caesar was advertised as the last play of the season. It was also announced that the part of Anthony would be played by "a young Gentleman," who was making his first appearance 183. on the stage.⁹¹ After this performance, he became a regular member of the cast and appeared under his real name of Richard Goodman. He was, like Samuel Greville, a young law student who had succumbed to the romance of the stage.⁹² Despite his youth, Goodman was to gain his greatest fame by playing old men in both eccentric and sophisticated comedy. The "young Gentlewoman" who had appeared incognito as Dorinda in The Stratagem on December 12, 1769 was now revealed to be Mary Richardson, who had also become a regular member of the cast. One old member of the company was now billed under a new name when Ann Storer appeared as Mrs. Henry,⁹³ although there is nothing to suggest that a marriage to the amorous Irishman was ever solemnized before either clerical or secular authority. It was also about this time that Owen Morris remarried, once again to a beautiful and talented actress.

^{Seventeen seventy}1770 was the year of the Boston Massacre, and it was soon apparent that "the spirit of Liberty breathes on every Act and on every Occasion." The selection of Julius Caesar was particularly apt at this time, although the cynical Mackrabie noted; "Our Play-bills promise to exhibit to us the Noble Struggles for liberty of those renowned Romans, Brutus and Cassius, tho' poor Cassius was so deficient in his Latin to call Publius Puppy-lies, throughout the whole Piece."⁹⁴

Douglass, harassed by evangelism and debts, prepared to leave for Virginia. Stephen Wall seized upon this occasion to present a "Rhapsody" of the lectures of George A. Stevens, but took care to note in the bills that 184. "no party, sect, or denomination whatsoever is aimed at."⁹⁵ There was only time enough to present it one time. By scurrying around Douglass secured enough money to compensate for "our very bad success this Season," for by the end of the season the company was "getting very fast thro' our Difficulties." Haste was now important, and the need for money urgent as he was "oblig'd to carry the Company away directly to Williamsburg, that I may not lose the June Court."⁹⁶

Douglass also probably felt the need^{ed also} to re-establish the American Company in Maryland and Virginia. Since he had last appeared in those areas, a new company of comedians had toured the territory.

CHAPTER X
THE NEW AMERICAN COMPANY
(Williamsburg-Annapolis, 1768-1769)

There had been no professional activity in the Williamsburg theatre since 1763, although there is always the possibility that unadvertised local talent productions had been staged there. But the drama had not been allowed to die. In fact, it had received clerical approbation in 1767 when the Reverend Warrington, rector of Elizabeth City Parish, had allowed the students of the "Rev. Mr. Warrington's School" to act the tragedy of Cato. Whether this was the famous Eaton School, of which Warrington had been a trustee, or a parochial school is not indicated in the newspaper account of the presentation. Camilla Warrington, daughter of the rector, recited the prologue which included the lines:

If nothing please you else, you'll clap the zeal
Of brats who pant to serve the common weal.

¹

Earlier this same year, William Verling, who just six months earlier had been appearing in Charleston with Douglass, arrived in Williamsburg. He engaged "the Great Room of the Rawleigh Tavern" in which he gave the Lecture on Heads (which he had probably pirated from Douglass) for two nights.² He disappeared again just as abruptly as he had appeared, but it is quite possible that he wandered through the colony, giving his lecture, and eventually wound up at Norfolk. Certainly there were other actors in that area, for in January, 1768, the Virginia Gazette had carried the bitter 186. accusation of Margaret Bannerman against her husband Benjamin, who she claimed had put her out of their house and rented the same to "an actor and his wife for 40£ a year."³

This unnamed actor may have been one of those whom William Verling approached in organizing a new company of players—or he may even have been Verling himself. In any event, a professional company of players was organized in this area. Verling seems to have been the prime mover in this venture, and later events point to him as the manager of the company. For his feminine lead he selected Henrietta Osborne, who seems not to have gone to England as she had announced in Charleston. More than likely she had been travelling with Verling since the two of them had deserted Douglass in the South Carolina city. As a dancer, he secured the services of James Verling Godwin, who had also left Douglass and, from his middle name, appears to have been a relative of William Verling. Other actors of this initial group were the ex-sailor Christopher Bromadge, Mr. and Mrs. Charles Parker, and a Mr. Walker. These last named actors could well have been former members of a little known company then acting in North Carolina under the direction of a Mr. Mills,⁴ which starred a Henry Giffard whom Governor Tryon of that colony praised as "the best player on the American stage."⁵

Verling's company adopted the name of the Virginia Company of Comedians and apparently opened in Norfolk sometime before January, 1768. The only 187. record of their activity in that port city is a notice of a benefit given Mrs. Osborne on January 19, at which time she recited a prologue containing these lines:

For ten long years this motley life I've led…
Yet though doom'd perpetually to roam,
Still when at Norfolk thought myself at home.

⁶

The troupe possibly played in Norfolk through the greater part of March. On March 17 a terse item appeared in the Virginia Gazette which announced: "The Theatre in this City will be opened on Thursday the 31st instant." Permission was secured from George Wythe, "the Worshipful the Mayor of Williamsburg,"⁷ and "At the old Theatre, near the Capitol" the company opened on schedule with Douglass and The Honest Yorkshireman, and with the incidental dancing of James Godwin featured as the entertainment.⁸

A new actor, one Thomas Charlton, appeared for the first time in Venice Preserved on April 8. Thomas was more than likely a cousin or brother of Edward and Richard Charlton, the barbers and peruke-makers of Williamsburg. Edward, at one time in the past, had control of the theatre,⁹ and during this season had assisted the company by acting as their ticket agent in Williamsburg.¹⁰ Two other new members had gained some of their stage experience with the American Company under Douglass, and first appeared with the Virginia Company in The Orphan on April 15. These newcomers were Mrs. Dowthaitt and 188. her daughter, Miss Dowthaitt, who were cast in minor roles.¹¹ Others who eventually joined the company in Williamsburg were Mr. Leavie, Mr. Farrell, Mr. Mallory, and a Miss Yapp.¹²

When Verling played with Douglass in Charleston, he had established himself as a good actor, and from his roles in the Virginia Company, he appears to have been the most talented of that group. He did not, however, adopt the attitude of young Hallam, but allowed other males to alternate in the leads. Henrietta Osborne was still the lovely and temperamental actress of two years before, and still retained her figure and voice. James Godwin still danced the same dances as he had with the American Company, but now had better roles as an actor. The playbills indicate that all of the male members of the cast were adequate, if not accomplished, dancers. The Charles Parkers, man and wife, were better than average as actors, as was Thomas Charlton. Messrs. Walker, Farrell, and Leavie, Mrs. Dowthaitt, and the Misses Dowthaitt and Yapp, seem to have been endowed with more enthusiasm than talent.

At this season of the year, it seemed as though the players of the Virginia Company would be assured of good audiences regardless of their dramatic abilities. June Court was approaching, a time when one traveler made the exaggerated estimate that there were between five and six thousand people in Williamsburg.¹³ Waller, or Eastern, Street was no longer considered 189. as on the outskirts of town, and the area in which the theatre was located appears to have been a good business area. William Page advertised good lodgings for man or beast at his Blue Bell Tavern "opposite the play house."¹⁴ Thomas Brammer moved his store from Market Square "to a house opposite the play-house."¹⁵ Later in the year gunsmith William Willess was to select a lot near the playhouse as a promising area for his shop.¹⁶

The plays performed by the Virginia Company were essentially the same as those played by the American Company and followed the same pattern of presentation. In early May George Washington was in town and followed his customary pattern of attending the theatre whenever possible. On July 2, he was apparently host to a theatre party, for he recorded an expenditure of £1.7s.6d. for theatre tickets on that date. There is no record of the play that he witnessed on this occasion, or on May 5, when once again he was in the audience.¹⁷ Had he remained in Williamsburg a week longer it is quite possible that he would have been disappointed in his desire to attend the theatre. Spring rains so cut down attendance that on May 12 it was announced: "Mr. Verling acquaints his friends, and the public, that his benefit, on account of the badness of the weather, is put off until next Friday; at which time their kind assistance will most sensibly oblige him."¹⁸

Rains would have made little difference on May 18, at least to the masculine patrons of the Waller Street theatre. This was the night of Henrietta Osborne's benefit, The Constant Couple, in which Mrs. Osborne 190. assumed her popular role of Sir Harry Wildair as a "breeches part." Even without this display of her feminine charms, this was the most pretentious program of the season. Mr. Parker waited until the interval between the first and second acts to speak the prologue "in the Character of a Country Boy," while at the end of the second act, James Godwin led several of the male members of the cast in a dance called "The Coopers." Following the third act, Charles Parker entertained the audience with a "Cantata." At the end of the play, Henrietta Osborne appeared once again, still dressed in male clothes. The bends and turns of a minuet, danced with Miss Yapp, doubtless outlined every detail of Mrs. Osborne's figure. The subsequent horn­pipe danced by James Godwin must have appeared tame by comparison. In the farce which wound up the evening, the star appeared once again in male attire as the "First Courtier" in The Anatomist.¹⁹ Henrietta Osborne seems to have been the nearest thing to a burlesque "queen" to appear in eighteenth-century Williamsburg.

The benefits which followed were anti-climactic. Even when the Masons appeared in a body at Thomas Charlton's benefit of The Miser and The Brave Irishman, on June 8, they were treated to no additional entertainment other than the special epilogue spoken by Mrs. Parker "in the Character of a Mason's Wife."²⁰ when Miss Yapp selected The Merchant of Venice for her night, Verling probably interpreted Shylock as a serious and sympathetic character rather than the comic part so favored by Lewis Hallam. Henrietta Osborne portrayed what must have been a gay and light-hearted Portia.²¹

As the season wore on, William Verling, James Godwin and Henrietta Osborne became more and more established as the mainstays of the company; Verling with his fine acting, Godwin with his nimble feet, and Mrs. Osborne with her versatility. This was particularly evident in Mrs. Parker's benefit of The Beggar's Opera on June 3. Verling had never played the starring role of Captain Macheath, but he boldly attempted it. Mrs. Osborne played both Mrs. Peachum and Lucy Lockit, while Mr. Parker, who first appeared as Mat of the Mint, switched quickly into petticoats and re-appeared as Mrs. Diana Trapes. In addition to his playing the comparatively minor role of Filch, Godwin danced the popular "Drunken Peasant," assisted by Parker, who this time appeared as the Clown. The "Musick of the Opera" was conducted by Peter Pelham, the organist of Bruton Parish Church.²²

The Virginia comedians left town sometime after June 8, although Christopher Bromadge remained behind, possibly detained forcibly for unpaid debts. Sometime around the first of August he was the recipient of a benefit acted for him "by some Young Gentlemen &c. in town." He appeared in person to speak the prologue in which he indicated his financial difficulty with:

… I speak it to my cost;
Pester'd with warrants, writs, and scire facias…²³

After the benefit by the "Young Gentlemen" for Christopher Bromadge, the theatre building in Williamsburg was almost immediately put into use as a school, as it was "the only tolerable convenient place…at that time." This venture seems not to have been too successful, for Joseph M'Auslane, the new schoolmaster, publicly complained that "few scholars have offered."²⁷

The Virginia Company of Comedians dropped out of sight and did not reappear for two months; at that time they played Alexandria. There was no formal playhouse in that town, and it has been suggested that one of the local taverns served that purpose.²⁸ On September 20, Washington rode in from nearby Mount Vernon with "Mrs. Washington and ye two children. went up to Alexandria to see the Inconstant, or Way to Win him acted." He spent the night in town in order to see Douglass performed on the following day.²⁹ The company remained in Alexandria at least through October 6, for on that day Washington purchased a pit ticket for his stepson, John Parke Custis.³⁰

The wanderings of Verling and his troupe are not recorded after they left this town, but it may be assumed that they played such well established 193. theatre towns as Upper Marlborough and Chester in Maryland, and possibly even smaller villages. Either during the stay in Alexandria or shortly afterwards, Henrietta apparently flew into another of her tantrums and quit the Virginia Company just as she had left Douglass some three years earlier. A succinct notice in the Virginia Gazette is the only clue:

Williamsburg, Jan. 12, 1769
I Intend for Great Britain soon.
Henrietta Osborne.³¹

Notwithstanding the loss of his talented leading lady, Verling carried the players to Annapolis. Like chameleons, they changed their complexion to blend with their surroundings. Now they termed themselves the New American Company, possibly hoping to be identified with Douglass's company. For some reason, they were forced either to remodel or build another building to house their activities in Annapolis, for they advertised themselves as playing "at the New Theatre in Annapolis." In any event, extensive renovations were in order, as the first playbill carried the notice:

Upper Boxes are now preparing, the Passage to which, must be from the Stage; 'tis therefore hoped, such Ladies and Gentlemen as choose to fix on Them Seats, will come before the Play begins, as it is not possible they can be admitted after the Curtain is drawn up.³²

To replace Henrietta Osborne as leading lady, the services of a Mrs. Jones had been acquired. The Dowthaitts had disappeared, but Patrick Malone and Mr. Darby, both lately of the American Company, had made their way south from Philadelphia to join the new group. Malone's wife began to make appearances on the stage for the first time, something which her talents had not permitted her to do with the American Company. Other new members who had joined since the troupe left Williamsburg included Mr. and Mrs. Burdett, a Mr. Spencer, 194. and a Mr. Jefferson, the latter having been reputed to be everything between brother to grandfather of the great Joseph Jefferson of a later era.

Romeo and Juliet on February 18 was the first play of the Annapolis season. Malone at this time indicated some of his future usefulness by taking some of the dancing chores from Godwin.³³ One week later when The Beggar's Opera was played, Mrs. walker was tried in Mrs. Osborne's roles of Mrs. Peachum and Lucy Lockit, for which the indulgence of the audience was begged as it was "her First Appearance in them Characters." Her husband played a "breeches part" in reverse, donning female clothes for this operetta to play the part of Molly Brazen,³⁴ a practice which Douglass had first inaugurated some ten years earlier.

Despite their makeshift operations and the addition of new personnel, the company seems to have been well received. The Maryland Gazette reported: "The Public may be assured, that the Company of Comedians, in this City, have gained great Applause by their last two Performances, viz. The Tragedies of Douglas and Richard III." There were also the usual stage-struck youths who persuaded the manager to allow them to appear incognito. On February 22, one of these "Gentlemen" had essayed Othello³⁶ and on April 3 the more difficult part of Hamlet.³⁷ Another amateur duplicated this double effort, but selected the easier roles of Damon in Damon and Phillida,³⁸ and Obediah Prim in A Bold Stroke For A Wife.³⁹

The theatre followed the usual custom of closing for Passion week,⁴⁰ but experienced disappointment when the meeting of the General Assembly was postponed until May 16. There was, however, some compensation that the annual racing season, which attracted the sporting element from some distance, was under way at this time in Annapolis.⁴¹

Henrietta Osborne, that unpredictable of unpredictables, apparently recovered from her pique and rejoined the company on April 8, appearing in the title role of Polly Honeycomb, the farce accompanying Richard III on William Verling's benefit night.⁴² Douglass's old maneuver of offering extra entertainments to attract the public was brought into play. A Mr. L'argent was presented in violin and harpsichord solos and "several Tunes on the Musical Glasses."⁴³ Verling also appealed to the universal tendency of an audience to applaud child actors and starred Master Knapp, son of his ticket agent, in a Harlequin selection.⁴⁴

Although Verling emulated the techniques of Douglass in many ways, he did not take the trouble to delete offensive lines from the plays or discipline his actors as did the more experienced manager. As a result, "Clarinda" penned an acid critique of the New American Company and brought into her sphere of criticism, the acting practices of the day. After a half-apologetic "You will be perhaps surprised that a Female should attempt to reform those whom some of the other Sex have attempted, but without Success," she asked no pardon for her castigation of the actors: 196.

I live some Miles from Annapolis, but the Delight I take in seeing a Play, has drawn me frequently to your Theatre—The Money I expend in that Way justly entitles me to some Amusement, and when I am disgusted, I think I have the right to complain, it being the Duty of every Actor to exert his utmost Abilities to render his Performance agreeable to the Audience… before I mention those Things that have shock'd me, I will acknowledge the great Pleasure I felt in Mrs. Osborne's performance of Juliet—Her feeling Manner of Acing, in my Opinion, made Amends for a Number of Incidents that were exceptionable, during the Representation of the Play—I staid in Town to go to the CONSTANT COUPLE—and tho' this Lady charmed me by her Acting, I own she struck my Admiration still more, to find that it was in the Power of the same Woman, to express the delicate Sensibility of a Juliet—and the Levity of a Sir Harry Wildair—but all her Merit,—had it been Ten Times greater, could not divest me of Resentment, when I observed a Violation of all Decorum, committed by one of the Actors.

I have been informed, … that if they take a Liberty of expressing, by Voice, or Gesture, their Resentment of being hissed, whether deservedly or not—such an Actor may think himself happy, if he is suffered to go on, upon making very great Concessions—and shall an Actor on this stage, … insolently dare to tell an Audience not to applaud,—what an Insult upon the understanding! — I wish myself, like Mrs. Osborne, in Breeches, to have made his Chastisement, a real one… I have been told that this Gentleman has not denied, when he was publicly accused of it, that he did not always act as well as he could—What did this imply? Or, what did his Behaviour on Saturday, imply? but the most Sovereign Contempt for your City—Where, if I am rightly informed, the Manager has been heard to say, he has met with the greatest Encouragement and Indulgence.

I cannot help mentioning a Thing that must always be disagreeable to a sensible Audience. It is the barefaced, illiberal, and very often indecent Insertions of some of his [the Manager's] Actors that play the low parts in comedy, or farce, which is generally substituted for what they have either forgot, or perhaps, which is more likely, never perused—to be imperfect is so great a fault, that the putting in their Ribaldry, is hardly a greater.

I am afraid the Gentleman, who amused himself with playing HAMLET forgot to tell the Clowns, to speak no more than was set down for them; or if he did tell them, it was only in a whisper.

I would have these very witty—sprightly Gentlemen, when they personate Clowns, or Fools, know, that since the immortal Shakespeare, and Ben Jonson, we have hardly had an Author, that has presumed to draw such Characters—Conscious that it requires the most consumate Knowledge of human Nature, to put proper Words in their Mouths… Then may we not naturally conclude, that it has been thought, by sensible Men, a difficult Undertaking, to draw such Characters as they ought to be; and, that it requires, at least, no common share of Understanding, to play the FOOL WELL."⁴⁵

EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY "ROPE DANCING"
Courtesy Harvard Theatre Collection

There is nothing to suggest that this rather severe criticism of their techniques led to any improvement in the stage behavior of the actors. Benefits continued throughout the spring. When Patrick Malone chose The Merchant of Venice for his night on April 25, Verling and Mrs. Osborne performed in the starring roles, but Malone had his moment in performing on the slack wire in the interval between the play and the farce. His exploits were almost incredible for a man of his age:

• I.He vaults the Rope.
• II.He lies on it at full Length.
• III.He beats a Drum.
• IV.He balances a Pyramid of Smoaking Pipes on the Edge of a Drinking­Glass.
• V.He balances the Pipes, and a Pyramid of Thirty Glasses of Jelly, in each Hand.
• VI.He stands on his Head, on a small Jack-cord, and holds a Pistol in each Hand (which he will Fire, if agreeable to the Ladies.)

Throughout the Annapolis run, Mrs. Osborne continued to delight the masculine portion of the audience with frequent appearances in male attire, playing the parts of Ranger in The Suspicious Husband⁴⁷ and the Prince of Wales, "by desire," in Henry IV.⁴⁸ Lest it be thought that Henrietta Osborne played nothing but male roles, it should be stated that she was a very competent actress, and was a popular leading lady. Her appearances in "breeches parts" were the exception, rather than the rule.

Each of the actors received two benefits; with the last performance on June 8, they disappeared just as suddenly as they had appeared in Virginia some eighteen months earlier. Malone went back to Philadelphia, perhaps in 198. the vain hope that Douglass would allow him to rejoin the American Company. Some of the actors possibly settled in Annapolis, as Henrietta Osborne and William Verling seem to have done.⁴⁹

An accumulation of debts led to the disbanding of the New American Company. In March, 1769, James Godwin was first hauled into court by Samuel Middleton, who charged him with "Trespass upon the Case," which was probably a damage suit.⁵⁰ Godwin seems to have finished out the season in Annapolis and then fled town; the following year the sheriff was ordered to bring "his body before the Justices of our County Court."⁵¹ William Verling, as manager of the defunct company, was defendant in a number of law suits. Frances Frazier Adams, who kept a boarding house in Annapolis, sued for what must have been her bill,⁵² while Robert Jones sued for the wages due his wife for appearing in lead roles in the early part of the season.⁵³ Debts which had been ignored in Williamsburg were pressed in the Anne Arundel County Court. Richard and Edward Charlton entered suits of "Trespass upon the Case" against Verling⁵⁴—which, from the legal terminology of the day, would indicate a suit to recover property damage. One of the more interesting cases from a theatrical point of view was that initiated by Sarah Hallam, the abandoned wife of Lewis Hallam, Jr., who had settled in Williamsburg after separation 199. from her husband some time after 1762. In her warrant she named William Verling and Charles Parker as co-defendants, and the suit was to recover the sum of £20.5s., "Which from her he Unjustly Detains."55 The sentimental tradition associated with the name of Sarah Hallam in Williamsburg would lead to the assumption that this sum was due for her acting with the company during the season in Williamsburg. This hypothesis must, however, be discarded when it is recalled that she had appeared as an actress only one time with the Douglass Company and then she had been cast in a minor part. More likely the occasion for the suit was less fanciful—conceivably a neglected board bill.

In the majority of these cases, Verling managed to clear himself because of the non-appearance of the plaintiffs, but in the case of William Hardy he was forced to pay £3.5s. because Verling "Saith he cannot Deny the Action..."⁵⁶ Samuel Chase, the lawyer representing Verling in these legal actions, was forced to bring his client into court to collect his fee. Even then, Verling's resources were so limited that Chase was forced to settle for the remaining two years, five months services of Oliver Anderson, the actor's indentured servant.⁵⁷

Even as William Verling was struggling to disentangle himself from this web of debts, David Douglass was bringing his actors south to free himself from a similar affliction.

CHAPTER XI
MARYLAND AND VIRGINIA
(Williamsburg, Fredericksburg, Norfolk, Annapolis, 1770-1772)

Douglass arrived in Williamsburg in time for the June Court, but aside from the initial notice of his coming, there was little information of the season in the papers. The finances of the American Company were too low to allow newspaper advertising. The drum and the bill-sticker were possibly the only forms of announcement that the manager could afford at this time.

Joseph M'Auslane's school in the theatre had either failed or moved to other quarters. In April, Peter Gardiner had used the playhouse to exhibit his "curious set of Figures, richly dressed, four feet high, which shall appear upon the stage as if alive… " These artificial comedians entertained the Williamsburg audiences in the puppet plays Babes in the Woods¹ and Whittington and His Cat.²

The only newspaper reference to the arrival of the American Company appeared in Purdie and Dixon's Virginia Gazette on June 14, 1770: "Yesterday Mr. Douglass, with his company of comedians, arrived in town from Philadelphia; and, we hear, intend opening the theatre in this city, on Saturday, with the Beggar's Opera, and other entertainments."³

From all appearances, Douglass had contracted with an agent to conduct an advance ticket sale. As early as May 24, some three weeks before the 201. arrival of the American Company, George Washington noted in his ledger, "By 4 Play Tickets 30/."⁴ But according to his diary, he did not use these tickets on June 16 for a performance of The Beggar's Opera, when he recorded the purchase of two box seats on that evening. During the next week, before his departure to Mount Vernon on June 22, he attended the theatre on four occasions.⁵

The actors remained in Williamsburg at least until August 13. On that date Edward Charlton dressed the hair of the Douglasses, the Hallams, Owen Morris and Mr. Parker. One unusual occurrence is to be noted here. Although Lewis Hallam had obviously separated from Sarah Hallam some years earlier, he paid for Charlton's services rendered "Mrs. Hallam."⁶ Apparently the separation had been amiable, or else young Hallam was traveling with a female companion to whom he lent his name for the sake of appearances.

It was not long after having their hair arranged that the comedians left Williamsburg for Annapolis, which at that time claimed the distinction of being "the genteelest town in North America."⁷ This was the racing season in the Maryland town, and within a month the General Assembly was to meet, both events appreciably increasing the population of the capital. There was no warning that the actors were coming, merely the brief notice that they had arrived and that their stay would not be too long:

On Monday last, the SUSPICIOUS HUSBAND and THOMAS AND SALLY were performed, by the American Company of Comedians, at the Theatre in this City, to a polite Audience who testified great Satisfaction at their Entertainment. The Company's Engagement in Virginia will prevent them from performing here any longer than the end of next Month.⁸

The performance of Cymbeline drew encomiums from one of the local swains, and Jonathan Boucher, rector of Annapolis, went so far as to wax rapturous in a panegyric extolling the charms of Nancy Hallam.⁹ "Y.Z." nearly exhausted his laudatory adjectives as he wrote of the excellence of the American Company—but it must be noted that he lavished his praise upon the actresses only:

I shall not at present expatiate on the Merits of the whole Performance but confine myself principally to one Object. The Actors are, indubitably, intitled to a very considerable Portion of Praise. But, by your Leave, Gentlemen (to speak in the Language of Hamlet), "Here's Metal more attractive." On finding that the part of Imogen was to be played by Miss Hallam, I instantly formed to myself, from my Predilection for her, the most sanguine Hope of Entertainment. But how was I ravished on Experiment! She exceeded my utmost Idea. Such delicacy of Manner! Such classical Strictness of Expression! The Musick of her Tongue! The vox liquida, how melting! Notwithstanding the Injuries it received from the horrid Ruggedness of the Roof, and the untoward Construction of the whole House; methought I heard once more the warbling of Cibber¹⁰ in my Ear. How true and thorough her Knowledge of the Character she personated! Her whole Form and Dimensions how happily convertible, and universally adapted to the Variety of her Part.

A Friend of mine, who was present, was so deeply impressed by the bewitching Grace and Justness with which the Actress filled the whole Character, that, immediately on going Home, he threw out warm from the Heart, as well as Brain, the Verses I inclose you.

The House, however, was thin, I suppose for want of a sufficient Acquaintance with general, as well as particular Merits of the Performers. The characteristical Propriety of Mrs. Douglass cannot be but too striking to pass unnoticed. The fine genius of that young Creature Miss Storer unquestionably affords the most pleasing Prospect of an accomplished Actress. The discerning Part of an Audience must cheerfully pay the Tribute of Applause due to the solid Sense which is conspicuous in Mrs. Harman, as well as to her Perspicuity and Strength of Memory.

203.

The Sums lavished on a late Set, whose Merits were not of the transcendent Kind, in whatever Point of Light they are viewed, are still fresh in our Memories. And should these, their Successors, whose Deportment, Decency, and an unremitting study to please, have ever confessedly marked, meet with Discountenance, methinks such a Conduct would not reflect the highest Honour either on our Taste or Spirit.

The Merit of Mr. Douglass's Company is, notoriously in the Opinion of every Man of Sense in America, whose Opportunities give him a Title to Judge—take them for all in all—superior to that of any Company in England, except those of the Metropolis. The Dresses are remarkably elegant; the Dispatch of the Business of the Theatre uncommonly quick; and the stillness and good Order preserved behind the Scenes, are Proofs of the greatest Attention and Respect paid to the Audience.¹¹

The attached verses, though unsigned, were written by the Reverend Boucher and he begged the "self-tutored PEALE" to paint the fair Miss Hallam. Excerpts from the young parson's ode "To Miss HALLAM" implied that his emotions concerning the actress bordered on the secular:

Hail, wond'rous Maid! I, grateful, hail
Thy strange dramatic Pow'r
To thee I owe, that Shakespeare's Tale
Has charm'd my Ears once more.

…

Say! Does she plead, as though she felt
The tender Tale of Woe?
Our Eyes, albeit unus'd to melt,
With Tears of Pity flow.

…

She speaks! — What Elocution flows!
Ah! softer far her Strains
Than Fleeces of descending Shows,
Or gentlest vernal Rains.

Do solemn Measures slowly move?
Her looks inform the Strings:
Do Lydian Airs invite to Love?
He feel it as she sings.

Around her, see the Graces play,
See Venus' wanton Doves;
And, in her Eyes pellucid Ray,
See little laughing Loves.

Ye Gods! 'tis Cytherra's Face;
'Tis Dian's faultless Form;
But her's alone the nameless Grace
That ev'ry Heart can charm.

¹²

The "horrid ruggedness of the Roof" was not the only defect of the local playhouse. Douglass made plans for improving the theatrical facilities in Annapolis by building "A very handsome Theatre." The Episcopal Church in the city was described as "old and ordinary," and Douglass leased from the vestry the land on which the church stood¹³ as the spot on which to construct his new theatre. William Eddis, the new surveyor of Customs for Annapolis, not only expressed his enthusiasm for the American Company, but on January 18, 1771, described the method adopted for financing the new playhouse:

MY pleasure and my surprise were therefore excited in proportion, on finding performers in this country equal, at least, to those who sustain the best of the first characters in your most celebrated provincial theatres. Our governor, from a strong conviction that the stage, under proper regulations, may be rendered of general utility, and made subservient to the great interests of religion and virtue, patronizes the American Company; and as their present place of exhibition is in a small scale, and inconveniently situated, a subscription, by his example, has been rapidly completed to erect a new theatre, on a commodious, if not an elegant plan. The manager is to deliver tickets for two seasons, to the amount of the respective subscriptions, and it is imagined, that the money received at the doors, from non­subscribers, will enable him to conduct the business without difficulty; and when the limited number of performances is completed, the intire property is to be vested in him. This will be a valuable addition to our catalogue of amusements. The building is already in a state of forwardness, and the day of opening is anxiously awaited.¹⁴

Douglass and his company left Annapolis as planned, and for the next eighteen months operated pendulum-like between Williamsburg and Annapolis, playing smaller communities along the way. In January, 1771, they were in Dumfries, Virginia, possibly acting in the new sixty by twenty-eight foot Assembly Room for which bids had been asked for two years earlier.¹⁵ In 205. this place, on January 23, George Washington saw The Recruiting Officer, and upon his return six days later he purchased two tickets in the pit. From his notation, "By Exps. at the Play 6s.3d."¹⁶ he apparently spent some money for refreshment, possibly at a makeshift bar which was often set up in the theatres of the day.

By late March the comedians had returned to Williamsburg. On April 19 Hudson Muse wrote his brother from Northumberland County:

In a few days after I got to Virginia, I set out for Wmsbrg, where I was detained for 11 days, tho' I spent the time very agreeably, at the plays every night, & realy must join Mr. Ennalls & Mr. Basset in thinking Miss Hallam super fine. But most confess her luster was much sullied by the number of Beauties that appeared at that court. The house was crowded every night, & the gentlemen who have generally attended that place agree there was treble the number of fine Ladyes that was ever seen in the town before—for my part I think it would be impossible for a man to have fixed upon a partner for life, the choice was too general to have fixed on one.

About the latter end of this month, I intend down again, & perhaps shall make out such another trip as the players are to be there again, and its an amusement I am so very fond of.¹⁷

The American Company acted in Williamsburg and the vicinity until late May. While Washington was in Williamsburg this month, he, of course, attended the theatre every time the opportunity presented itself. On May 2, 3, and 8, he was in the audience, and on the latter occasion probably as the host, for he had dined earlier in the evening with "Colo. Fairfax and some Gentlemen," and his expenses for play tickets on this night totaled 37 shillings, sixpence.¹⁸

On May 16 there was the announcement that the company would appear in Fredericksburg towards the last of the month, where they expected to perform 206. every Monday, Wednesday and Friday evening.¹⁹ This was but a continuance of Douglass's shrewd policy of following the crowds, and the annual fair was to be held in Fredericksburg during June. The company opened there no later than Tuesday, May 28, when they presented The Provoked Husband, which was followed on successive nights by Hamlet and All In the Wrong. The cast at this time was essentially the same as it had been for the past two years with the exception of John Henry, who had been sent to England to acquire new performers and scenes for the opening of the new theatre in Annapolis. In Fredericksburg, the actors possibly played in a courtroom or warehouse, as pit seats only were advertised.²⁰ Washington was in town visiting relatives and after dining with his brother-in-law, on July 24, he spent the rest of the evening at the playhouse.²¹

From Fredericksburg the logical route for a troupe of strolling players would be through Dumfries and Alexandria in Virginia and possibly Upper Marlborough in Maryland. Quite likely the company played short engagements in each of these towns on the way back to the Maryland capital. Douglass timed his travels so as to arrive in Annapolis in time for the September racing season and the meeting of the General Assembly on October 1.

The new theatre was nearly complete. Built of brick, it was probably the finest theatre in the colonies at this time, notwithstanding the claims made for the Southwark in Philadelphia. In June, it seems that Douglass may have paid a hurried visit to Annapolis to check on the construction and stimulate the payment of the pledges. An advertisement in the Maryland Gazette on June 13 promised greater entertainment facilities soon in the 207.

NEW THEATRE

Mr. Douglass begs Leave to acquaint the Gentlemen, who have subscribed to the new Theatre in Annapolis, that all the Materials for the Building are now purchased, and the Workman engaged to complete it by the First of September: He assures them, that nothing will be wanting on his Part, nor on the Parts of the Gentlemen who have undertaken to superintend the Work, to render it as commodious and elegant as any Theatre in America. He has sent to London to engage some Performers, and expects them, and a new Set of Scenes, painted by Mr. Doll, in a few weeks. In short, the Publick, whose Favours he most gratefully acknowledges, will, he flatters himself, be convinced by the efforts he makes to Entertain them, that he has a proper Sense of their Goodness, and an unremitting Desire to make every Return in his Power, for the Obligations he is under to them.

He would esteem it as a very great Favour, if the Gentlemen who have neglected to pay their Subscription Money, will be good enough to send it as, soon as possible, as the Sum collected, it is by no means sufficient to answer the necessary Demands that will very soon be made.²²

The new theatre, located on West Street next to Reynold's Tavern, was still unfinished when it was opened on September 9, 1771, with The Roman Father and The Mayor of Garrat.²³ The first night drew "a numerous and brilliant Audience, who expressed the greatest Satisfaction not only at the Performance, but with the House, which is thought to be as elegant and commodious, for its Size, as any Theatre in America."²⁴ Douglass quite properly spoke the prologue, and the epilogue was recited by Ann Storer Henry. One or both of these may have been written by Jonathan Boucher.²⁵ Douglass's appeal to the audience was rather ponderous in style and sprinkled with classical allusions, but in the epilogue Mrs. Henry begged the Audience "For the unfinish'd State of our House make Allowance." She then went on to make the candid acknowledgment: 208.

And a Sinner, I am, for no Woman ere breathing
Turn'd Actress, but strait she was reckon'd a Heathen:
And how then, in Conscience, can I, a forlorn One,
Be thought any other, for i' Faith, I was born One.

²⁶

The promised new scenery was not in evidence on the opening night. The Jenny, in which John Henry brought them from England, did not drop anchor in Norfolk until September 11.²⁷ He had been unable to obtain new actors, for in London at this time "tolerable actors" were "very scarce."²⁸ The new backdrops had been displayed by November 2; on that date William Eddis commented:

Our new theatre, of which I gave you an account in a former letter, was opened to a numerous audience the week preceding the races. The structure is not inelegant, but, in my opinion, on too narrow a scale for its length; the boxes are commodious, and neatly decorated; the pit and gallery are calculated to hold a number of people without incommoding each other; the stage is well adapted for dramatic and pantomimical exhibitions; and several of the scenes reflect great credit on the ability of the painter. I have before observed that the performers are considerably above mediocrity; therefore little doubt can be entertained of their preserving the public favour, and reaping a plenteous harvest.²⁹

The elegance of the new theatre, when compared to the church, disturbed the Reverend Jonathan Boucher, although he held no enmity towards the actors, and his published lament read:

Here in Annapolis alone,
God has the meanest House in Town.

³⁰

The races had also drawn the Squire of Mount Vernon, George Washington, to Annapolis, and out of the nine nights in the city, he spent four in the playhouse.³¹ He may also have had the opportunity of seeing the picture which Charles Willson Peale, the local artist, had painted of Miss Hallam in response 209. to the lyric appeal of the year before. She had been portrayed as Imogen in the scene from Cymbeline, where the beautiful and unfortunate girl, disguised as the boy, Fidele, emerges from a forest cave, with fearfully uplifted eyes into the astonished presence of Bellarius and his royal brothers.³² Peale retained the picture as an exhibition piece in his studio, and later hung it in his museum. It was possibly on exhibition during the performance of Cymbeline that fall.³³ This combination of Nancy Hallam on canvas and in the flesh led "Paladour" to sing her praises in the "Poet's Corner" of the Maryland Gazette:

SAY, HALLAM, to the wond'rous Art
What Tribute shall I pay?
Say, wilt thou, from a feeling Heart,
Accept this votive Lay?

…

From earliest Youth; with Rapture, oft
I've turn'd great Shakespear's Page;
Pleas'd, when he's gay, and sooth'd, when soft,
Or kindled at his Rage.

Yet not till now, till taught by Thee,
Conceiv'd I Half in his Pow'r!
I read, admiring now I see,
I only not adore.

…

Methinks I see his smiling Shade,
And hear thusly him Proclaim,
"In Western Worlds, to this fair Maid,
I trust my spreading Fame."

³⁴

Peale also was honored in verse, with the poet proclaiming:

Thy Pencil has so well the Scene convey'd,
Thought seems but an Unnecessary Aid;

Another Scene still claims thy Pencil's Aid;
Storer in Ariel. Enchanting Maid!

³⁵

Maria Storer had proved almost as great a favorite with the audience as had Nancy Hallam. The young actress was fairy-like in figure, and her excellent singing voice added to her charm.³⁶ Another actress was winning the approval of eighteenth century theatre-goers. The second Mrs. Owen Morris, differing in appearance from the ethereal Maria Storer, "was a tall and elegant woman," and her acting was considered "very spirited."³⁷

But the Annapolis audiences had little time to compare the beauty and talents of the actresses. The company swung back to Williamsburg, opening in the Virginia town in late October with The West Indian and The Musical Lady.³⁸ This same month George Washington also arrived in town, presumably to record the land he claimed under the provisions of the Dinwiddie Proclamation of 1754, as a reward for military service. As usual, he combined pleasure with business, and attended the theatre on five of the ten nights which he spent in Williamsburg.³⁹ He returned five days too soon to witness the first Virginia performance of King Lear on November 12, 1771. The many evening entertainments at this session of the General Court forced the Company to 211. present their plays in the afternoon. Douglass may have superintended the fireworks display which was given on the afternoon of November 1.⁴⁰

Soon after the first of January, 1772, the comedians journeyed to Norfolk for a short stay, but they assured their patrons they would return in time for the meeting of the General Assembly and would remain through the April Court. The notice carried the warning that this would be the last appearance in Williamsburg for some time, as the American Company would be forced to return to the northward to fill previous commitments.⁴¹ There is no record of the plays presented in Norfolk. The players possibly performed at this time in the building beside the river on Main street, which had been converted from a pottery into a makeshift playhouse.⁴²

Douglass and his players had returned to Williamsburg by March 12, and Washington attended the theatre on this night. Although his stay in town extended from March 2, through April 9, he appeared in the audience at the theatre only three times.⁴³ Among the plays which he may have seen were Cumberland's The Brothers and Hugh Kelly's False Delicacy.⁴⁴ He certainly saw Kelly's A School For Libertines, Or A Word to the Wise on March 26. This was the hit play of the season, and the only one which brought forth comments from the editors of the Virginia Gazette:

Mr. Kelly's new Comedy, A Word to the Wise was performed at our Theatre last Thursday, to a very crowded and splendid Audience. It was received both Nights with the warmest Marks of Approbation; the Sentiments with which this excellent Piece is replete were greatly, and deservedly, applauded; and the Audience, while they did Justice to the Merit of the Author, did no less Honour to their own refined Taste. If the Comick Writers would pursue Mr. Kelly's plan, and 212. present us only with moral Plays, the Stage would become (what it ought to be) a school of Politeness and Virtue.

Truth indeed, obliges us to confess that for several Years past. most of the new Plays that have come under our Observation have had a moral Tendency, but there is not enough of them to supply the Theatre with a Variety of Exhibitions sufficient to engage the Attention of the Public; and the most desirable Enjoyments by too frequent a Repetition, become insipid.⁴⁵

Other new plays were put in rehearsal and a new actress made a brief appearance with the company. She was a Mrs. Stamper, who played several major roles, and upon one occasion was cast as a singer.⁴⁶ Apparently she did not live up to expectations, for she rarely appeared after the company left Williamsburg. Rehearsals of the latest plays from London were going well and on May 7 the Gazette carried the item^{according to the Gazette}:

We are authorized to announce that the new Comedy of THE FASHIONABLE LOVER, now acting at the Theatres Royal in Drury Lane and Edinburgh, with the utmost Applause, will shortly appear in our Theatre. Such is the industry of the American Company that, though the Piece has not been above ten Days in the Country, it has been rehearsed more than once, and is already, we hear, fit for Representation.

The Company began their preparations for moving. On April 30, 1772, David Douglass advertised his carriage for sale, "a Genteel Pheton," which was offered along with four sets of harness.⁴⁹ Although the company advertised that it would be "some Years" before their probable return, neither the actors 213. nor the people of Williamsburg recognized this as the last time in many years that the American Company or any other troupe of professional actors would appear in the city. On their way back to Annapolis, the players possibly included Richmond in their itinerary; that town may have boasted a theatre by this date.⁵⁰

The West street Theatre in Annapolis opened on September 1 with Kelly's A Word To The Wise and Garrick's Lethe. New scenery, painted by Richards, the London artist, was featured in the advertising. The method used by the company for box seat reservations was revealed in the bills of the day: "Places in the Boxes to be had at the Theatre, where a Book is kept for that Purpose. Ladies and Gentlemen who take Places will please to send their Servants at Five o'clock, and they shall be put in Possession of them."⁵¹ On opening night the "brilliant and judicious Assembly" which crowded the playhouse expressed their satisfaction about "The Alterations and Improvements since last Season, [which) have made this Theatre the most commodious and elegant any, that we know of, in America." Lewis Hallam' s prologue "written by a Gentleman in this City" (probably William Eddis), appealed both to England and the colonies to allay their bitterness towards one another:

A nobler Subject now inspires my Breast,
In ev'ry gen'rous, honest Mind, confest,
I feel the ardent Passion fire my Heart;
Exempt from tragic Pomp, or servile Art.

Long may blest Concord here maintain her Sway,
And radiant Science gild each rising Day;
Whilst Patriots plead, without one private View,
And glorious Liberty alone pursue!
So shall the Mother Isles with Joy approve,
And aid their Offspring with parental Love!

⁵²

There was a nostalgic note in the program of September 28. A special benefit, "by Particular Desire," was given for Henrietta Osborne, who had apparently retired from the stage and was now devoting her efforts to her store "near the Market-House." On such an occasion, there was only one role for Mrs. Osborne—Sir Harry Wildair in The Constant Couple.⁵⁴ Her name was never again to appear in a cast of a play presented on the colonial stage.

George Washington came too late to see Mrs. Osborne in the part which she had made famous. Accompanied by John Parke Custis, he did not arrive in Annapolis for the races until early October. In addition to losing bets at the race track to the amount of £1.6s., he incurred additional expenses by attending plays upon four occasions^{Too many references to Washington's attendance for no good reason.}.⁵⁵ Almost certainly he attended the race on October 8 for "The American Theatrical Company's Purse of Fifty Pounds, free for any horse, Mare or Gelding to carry nine Stone. Heats 4 miles."⁵⁶ Unless he placed his bets on Mr. Water's "Nettle",⁵⁷ Washington suffered a loss. Winner or loser, he did attend the performance of The West Indian and The Padlock that evening at the theatre.⁵⁸

The Annapolis theatrical season lasted well past the middle of October. With the closing of the West street playhouse, the comedians returned to Philadelphia in much better financial condition than their status of two years earlier.

CHAPTER XII
THE LAST TOUR OF THE AMERICAN COMPANY
(Philadelphia, New York, Annapolis and Charleston, 1772-1774)

Insofar as the theatre was concerned, opposition in Philadelphia had lapsed into a state of complacency. The antipathy was reserved primarily for professional drama; it seems that a strong line of demarcation had been drawn between amateur and professional actors. There had been no outcry against the evils of plays when the students of Joseph Rathell's school gave a public performance of Cato in 1771. In fact, when the school had proved inadequate to accommodate the crowds, Rathell had rented the Assembly Room for a second performance on April 18, and after adding entertainments such as a musical interlude, charged half a Crown to aid in defraying expenses.¹ Presbyterians raised no objections when the students of the grammar school of Princeton College performed "a dramatick Piece, in latin, before a numerous and learned Audience" as a means of demonstrating their proficiency in the language.²

On October 28,1772, Douglass opened the Southwark Theatre with A Word To The Wise,³ and with The Padlock as an afterpiece.⁴ Mrs. Morris was the only new member of the cast, and probably even at this date was showing signs 217. of the eccentricity which was to mark her in later life.⁵ The opening night's entertainment was well received by theatre-goers in Philadelphia. "Philo Theatricus" published a lengthy criticism of the actors, the play and the audience. The efforts of Lewis Hallam as "Mungo" in The Padlock were well received; Miss Hallam was "as much a woman of Fashion as we have seen on any stage;" while the other ladies of the cast "besides their Pleasing Figures, were genteel, elegant, and fashionable in their Deportment." Only Stephen Wall received adverse criticism, and excuses were found for him in that "we verily believe that Mr. Wall does as well as he can, and therefore we must by no Means censure him." The Word To the Wise received the same favorable comment which it had evoked in Williamsburg and Annapolis, and in the opinion of the critic this:

Comedy, we think is the best acting Sermon of Morality, we have heard, and we sincerely congratulate the Friends of the Theatre, upon the Chastity and Purity of our modern Comedies; where Vice, if held up to the public View at all, is shewn in so deformed, so ludicrious a Light, that to see it, is sufficient to make us abhor and detest it; and where Virtue appears dignified, by Sentiments that do Honour to Humanity, and is beheld in every Light that can excite our Admiration… we flatter ourselves that the little dirty commonplace Aspersions, with which the illiberal Hand of Ignorance has so frequently larded it, will vanish…⁶

The writer reserved his more caustic denunciations of the behavior of the audience, and he almost violently censured the conduct of:

Some Ruffians in the Gallery, who so frequently interrupted the Performance, and in the most interesting Scenes, deserve the severest Reprehension—they are too despicable to argue with, otherwise they might be told that, because they pay three Shillings for their Admittance into a Public Assembly, they are not, therefore, warranted to commit repeated Outrages, upon that part of the Audience who go there really to see the Play, and be instructed and entertained; or to interrupt the Actors who are doing their best to please them.—They might be informed, that, tho' they have an undoubted Right to every Species 218. of Entertainment, promised them in the Bills, they have not the smallest Title to any Thing else, and that if they call for a Song, or a Prologue, of which no Notice is given in the Bills, the Actors have an equal Demand upon them for an extraordinary Price for a Compliance with their Request—which of those vociferous Gentlemen, if a Carpenter, Mason, or Taylor, will do more Work than he bargains for without an adequate Compensation?—Are not the Players in the same Predicament?—But to dismiss the Subject, the Directors of the Theatre are thus publicly desired to engage a Number of Constables, and dispose them in different Parts of the Gallery, who upon the smallest Disturbance, for the Future, may be authorized, by any Magistrate, and there are always enough in the House, to apprehend, and carry to the Work-House, such Rioters, by which Means, Peace will be restored, and a few Examples deter others from the like Outrages.⁷

There must have been evidence of the counterfeiting of the gallery tickets, for when the first performance of Murphy's The Way To Keep Him was advertised for November 23, the playbills carried the tag: "Those who are possessed of Gallery Tickets, bought for any of the preceding Plays, are requested to bring them in this Night, as a new Set is made out, and none of the Old ones will be admitted afterwards."⁸ Possibly this was the reason for the riot outside the gallery door on the night of December 9, "when the Door­keepers were greatly abused in the Execution of their Office," but they managed to seize two of the trouble-makers, who were carted away to the work­house by the Constables. Although the group was driven off, they returned to the darkened theatre after the end of the performance and there vented their wrath in acts of vandalism. Five days later an ad appeared in the Pennsylvania Packet:

TEN POUNDS REWARD
A Burglary
Whereas a number of evil disposed persons, in the night between the ninth and tenth instant (December) burglariously and feloniously 219. broke open the gallery door of the Theatre, tore off and carried away the iron spikes which divide the galleries from the upper boxes; and had they not been then detected and put to flight by the servants of the Theatre, who dwell in the house, would, there is reason to imagine, have compleated their malicious designs. In order therefore, that the perpetrators may be brought to justice, the above reward is offered to whoever will discover any of the persons concerned in the said burglary, to be paid on their conviction.
DAVID DOUGLASS ⁹

The religious faction did not resort to violence, and although their anti-theatre barbs were they still picked up an occasional pen to voice ^{less frequently than hitherto} their opposition to the players. One writer posed a potent query to the actors:

Are not all the meaner passions of the soul in you extinct, and when you throw off these garments of the flesh, will you not appear before the father of spirits with that boldness which goodness alone inspires, confident that you have fully answered the purposes, for which he sent you into life?

Despite the physical violence of the habitues of the cheaper seats and the literary condemnations of the devout, the Philadelphia season of 1772­1773 seems to have been a success. Such popular favorites as The Roman Father, Love In A Village, The West Indian, and The Mourning Bride were interspersed with selections from Shakespeare. When the plays of the Bard were presented, it is not unreasonable to suppose that one merchant of the city made an effort to attend—his name was David Shakespear.¹¹ Lewis Hallam made only infrequent appearances in singing roles and now seems to have guided his musical talents along different paths. He did not even appear in such plays as Love In A Village and The School For Fathers, but the bills noted that "the Orchestra [is] to be conducted by Mr. Hallam."¹² There had also been changes in 220. personnel. Samuel Greville sometime earlier had become disillusioned with the stage and had left for greener pastures. A Mr. Dermot replaced him. Mr. Johnson was one of the new names of the company, but appeared so seldom that it must be concluded that he was but a back-stage employee who was pressed into service in those plays which demanded a large cast. On January 20, 1772, a "Monsieur Francis" was announced as a new dancer "from the Theatre in Amsterdam."¹³ Five days later, Mrs. Stamper made her final and only appearance since Williamsburg; she was now billed as a singer "from the Theatre Royal in Edinburgh."¹⁴ Francis, whose real name was Francis Mentges, later became an American officer during the Revolution.¹⁵ John Henry was now developing Shylock as one of his better roles, while the second Mrs. Morris, whose height and stateliness made her ideal for the part, played Portia. She also assumed the more mature roles formerly played by Margaret Cheer. Mrs. Douglass was ill during a large part of the season and appeared only on rare occasions. Nancy Hallam now played practically all of the younger heroines, while Maria Storer scampered about the stage in such roles as "Ariel, an Airy Sprite."¹⁶ Yet there were never enough players to allow for adequate casting. When Henry IV was staged on January 11, 1772, three actors were forced to appear in double roles, as well as parts in the farce of The Devil To Pay, Or The Wives Metamorohosed.¹⁷

Despite the regular productions of the newest plays from London, there were still frequent requests for old favorites. So persistent were these 221. solicitations that Douglass was forced to insert the statement in the papers that he would get to them just as soon as he could.¹⁸ Additional machinery and scenes were sometimes acquired for such innovations as the "Grand Masque" of Neptune and Amphitrite.¹⁹ Opposition was now in such a state of quiescence that Miss Hallam even dared play an occasional "breeches part,"—previously unknown in Philadelphia.²⁰

On February 17, 1773, one of the more spectacular productions of the entire colonial period was presented. This was George Cockling's play, The Conquest of Canada, or The Siege of Quebec. The playwright had been stationed in Boston for a number of years as a government official, and his play had first been published in London in 1766²¹ and in Philadelphia on December 8, 1772.²² This seems to have been one of those many requests with which Douglass besieged, possibly by the two "Gentlemen" in the cast. Soldiers and sailors from the local garrison and naval vessels appeared through the courtesy of their commanding officers. There was no farce scheduled and Douglass assured his patrons that:

It will be taken as a favour, if the Town, for that night, will dispense with a Farce; as the stage will be much crowded with the Artillery, Boats, &c. necessary for the representation of the piece; and withe the Men from both Corps, whose assistance the Commanding Officers are glad enough to indulge us with.²³

Less than two weeks later another new play had its American premiere, a dramatic romance called Cymon, which, although not so pretentious a display as The Conquest of Canada, did feature a "Procession of the Different Orders of Chivalry; And the Shepherds of Arcadia, with a Sett of Transparent Scenes."²⁶

The Masons honored Mr. and Mrs. Douglass on March 8 when The Fashionable Lover was presented as the first benefit of the season. Stephen Woolls sang "The Mason' s Anthem," while Douglass dressed himself "in the Character of Master Mason" to speak the prologue.²⁷ On March 24, The Recruiting Officer was presented on behalf of Messrs. Byerley, Parker and Johnson, and in it Mrs. Morris, "by particular Desire," was cast in the role of Sylvia. There had evidently been some doubt of her ability to play the part, for the playbill carried the courteous but defiant explanation:

Mrs. Morris, in respect to those few Ladies and Gentlemen, who through kindness to her, have advised her not to play the part of Sylvia, begs leave to assure them, that she performs it now, in compliance with the request of many Friends to the Theatre, and with a fixed rule amongst Performers, to lend each other every help they can, in the time of Benefits.²⁸

By April 12, New York newspapers were running announcements that the John Street Theatre was to open on April 14, and the season would run no longer than the end of May.³² As usual, the theatre building being unprepared, Thomas Wall set himself up in business as a music teacher, but this time as an instructor of the mandolin rather than the guitar.³³

The first play of the season was so well received that the players acquired an inflated idea of their own ability. When The Way To Keep Him and Catherine and Petruchio were acted on April 23, the town was warned: "Those who neglect attending the Theatre this Evening, will lose the most finish'd Nights Entertainment the American Theatre ever produced."³⁴

Douglass was giving the New York theatre-goers full value for their money. Not only did he give them the usual play and farce, but quite often 224. included such additional entertainments as "Balancing, Tumbling, and Slack­Rope"—sometimes without previous notice in the bills.³⁵ Yet even this was not always enough to satisfy the boisterous element in the gallery. As in Philadelphia, Douglass was forced to take stringent measures, and on May 2 he included a threat along with a reprimand:

The repeated Insults, which some mischievous Persons in the Gallery have given, not only to the Stage and Orchestra, but to the other Parts of the Audience, call loudly for Reprehension; and since they have been, more than once, ineffectually admonish'd of the Impropriety of such a Conduct in a public Assembly, they are now (for the last Time) inform!d, that unless the more regular and better dispos'd People, who frequent that Part of the Theatre, will interfere, either by turning out the Offenders, or pointing them out to the Constables, who attend there on purpose, that they may be brought to justice, The Gallery for the future must be shut up.³⁶

William Hulett was still operating his dancing school and possibly still furnishing some of the music for the theatre. He was certainly still a favorite with the members of the company, for in a concert for a Mr. Zedwitz on May 11, he was probably responsible for persuading the misses Hallam and Storer to perform. Nancy Hallam sang two of the more popular numbers of the day, "Vain is Beauty's gawdy Flower" and "The Soldier tired of War's Alarms," while the tiny Maria Storer appeared in a duet with Hulett's ten-year-old son.³⁷

On May 10, 1773, The Gamester and The Padlock were the selections for the evening.³⁸ The young, but frail, Josiah Quincy, who was returning to 225. his home in Boston from South Carolina, was in New York long enough to enjoy the entertainment denied him in Massachusetts. He wrote in his diary:

Went to the playhouse, saw the Gamester and Padlock performed. The players make an indifferent figure in tragedy. They make a better in comedy. Hallam has merit in every character he acts. Mr. Woolls in the character of Don Diego, and Mrs. Morris in that of Ursula, I thought, acted superlatively. I was, however, much gratified upon the whole, and I believe if I had staid in town a month I should go to the theatre every acting night. But as a citizen and friend to the morals and happiness of society, I should strive hard against the admission, and much more the establishment of a play-house of any state of which I was a member.

The new farce of Cross Purposes was presented for the first time in America on May 27, 1773, as an afterpiece for Hamlet. It was reported "altogether a laughable lively production, and, from the temporary satire upon the reigning follies and vices of the times, will probably have a run." New Yorkers were particularly interested in this comedy, for the author, William O'Brien, had formerly resided in their city for several years.³⁹ One out-of­town visitor took advantage of this program to visit New York's theatre for the first time. This traveller was George Washington, who had journeyed to New York to establish John Parke Custis as a student in King's College.⁴⁰

Notwithstanding Douglass's earlier assertion that the company would act no longer than the end of May, they continued playing on through the summer. The season was not without sorrow. One of the few remaining members of the original Douglass Company was lost to the stage when Mrs. Harman died. Apparently she had experienced a lingering illness, for she had not appeared on the stage all summer. The local papers carried her obituary:

On Thursday last died in the 43d year of her age, Mrs. Catherine Maria Harman, grand daughter to the celebrated Colley Cibber, Esq.; poet laureate, she was a just actress, possessed with much merit in low comedy and dressed all of her characters with infinite propriety, 226. but her figure prevented her from succeeding in tragedy, and in genteel comedy. In private life, she was sensible, humane and benevolent, her little fortune she has left to Miss Cheer, and her obsequies were on Saturday night attended by a very genteel procession to the cemetery of the Old English [Trinity] Church.⁴¹

With the passing of one familiar figure from the stage, another made a brief reappearance. Margaret Cheer was given a benefit on June 21, playing "The lady" in the first production of Milton's Comus and "Kitty" in High Life Below Stairs.⁴² After appearing as Queen Elizabeth in Douglass's benefit of Richard III on June 24, her subsequent activities on the stage were limited. Apparently none of the actresses would relinquish their parts to the former Lady Rosehill, and she made one last effort by speaking the Mason's prologue when the fraternity honored John Henry and Thomas Wall on their benefit night on St. John's Day (June 25.)⁴³ Once again she faded into obscurity. Mrs. Henry also disappeared temporarily, but possibly because of a pregnancy.

Despite an occasional diatribe against the drama by "Cato," who declared the theatre to be but a harlot's market-place,⁴⁴ the American Company prospered in New York. More and more, additional entertainments were presented. Upon one occasion "Some Pieces of Musick" were offered by the band of the Royal Welsh Fusileers.⁴⁵ On the days when there was no performance at the John Street playhouse, and Thomas Wall was not busy with his mandolin lessons, he gave illustrated (by paintings and drawings) lectures in "Mr Hull's Long Room."⁴⁶

After the last personal benefit was played, George Barnwell and Edgar and Emmleline were presented on July 26 for the benefit of the proposed hospital in New York, and "in return for the many favours they [the actors have received from the inhabitants of this place." It was "hoped by the friends of the Hospital that the Moral of the play to be acted will have some influence with even those who are otherwise no friends to the Theatre."⁴⁷ The Provost of King College, the Reverend Doctor Cooper, composed a rather innocuous prologue for the play, whose delivery by Lewis Hallam was "graceful and animated." One of the largest crowds of the season attended the theatre upon this occasion. The newspapers called attention to the generosity of the company declaring that "almost all" of the actors and non-acting employees of the theatre relinquished all claim to financial rewards.⁴⁸

The players remained in New York long enough to try out one new play: Oliver Goldsmith's latest comedy, She Stoops To Conquer, Or The Mistakes of A Night. It was announced that the play had been designed "to recover the expiring art of writing true English comedy."⁴⁹ It was played for the first time in America on the night of August 2, 1773. "The Humour," ran the advertisements, "is irrisistible…and the incidents that appear improbable are, in general, the natural Effects of the Thoughtless sallies of a young frolicksome country squire." This play served also as a vehicle for the introduction of George Hughes to the American stage.⁵⁰ The performance drew rave reviews. Its success was "on our stage unexampled, Mr. Hallam and every other Actor exerted 228. all their comic powers, and appeared thrice themselves on this occasion." Douglass was not present to witness this histrionic triumph. He had already sailed for Charleston to complete the necessary arrangements for soliciting subscriptions and the construction of a new theatre. After a repeat performance of She Stoops To Conquer on August 5, the company made their preparations to travel. John Henry left New York ahead of the other actors, hurrying to Annapolis to open the West street Theatre.⁵¹

Possibly because the town was thronged with visitors during the fall racing season, the American Company did little local advertising. Among the visitors was George Washington, who did not realize at the time that he was seeing the actors of the American Company for the last time as a unit. Of the six days he was in Annapolis, three nights were passed at the theatre, and his expenditures of £3.6s. for play tickets was nearly equal to the £3.16s. he lost on the races and at the card tables.⁵² The season of 1773 in Annapolis opened around the first of September and lasted through the second week in October. Maria Storer was the favorite of the local poets, and "Philomenos" sang the praises of her sweet voice:

While now she wakes that living lay,
And fills the enraptur'd soul.
I feel my beating heart obey,
And own her lost controul.
Sweet Harmonist! prolong the strain
The melody of heav'n;
And soothe with songs, the tender pain,
Thy tender songs have giv'n——

⁵³

During their stay in Annapolis, Mrs. Douglass must have been amused to read her obituary, which appeared in a number of the newspapers: 229.

Last Week died at Philadelphia, Mrs. Douglass, Wife of Mr. David Douglass, Manager of the American Company of Comedians, Mother of Mr. Lewis Hallam, and Mrs. Mattocks, of Covent Garden Theatre, and Aunt of Miss Hallam; a Lady who by her excellent Performances upon the stage, and irreproachable Manners in private Life, had recommended herself to the Friendship and Affection of many of the principal Families on the Continent and in the West Indies.⁵⁴

Douglass completed his mission in Charleston, "having secured the Patronage of the Gentlemen of that City, which will enable him to build and open an elegant Theatre before Christmas." On August 30 he sailed in the Sea-Nymph for Philadelphia.⁵⁶ By October 9 he had rejoined the Company in Annapolis, although his illness led to a postponement of The Tempest, originally scheduled for that date. Jane Shore and The Irish Widow were substituted, with the play­bills stating that printed copies of The Irish Widow could be purchased either of John Henry, or "at the Offices where the Tickets are sold."⁵⁷ The night following the last play of the season, Thomas Wall kept the West Street Theatre open long enough to present the new lecture which he had tried out on the New York audiences.⁵⁸

When the company left Annapolis they went to Philadelphia. (Although a historian of the city of Baltimore asserts that they stopped over for a short 230. season, playing in the converted warehouse which stood at the corner of Baltimore and Frederick street, there is no documentary support for his conclusion.⁵⁹)

As soon as the actors arrived in Philadelphia, and w^While the Southwark Theatre was being readied, Thomas Wall hired "the Long Room in Videll's Alley" and advertised his lectures.⁶⁰ When the Southwark opened on November 1, with the School for Fathers and Love-A-La-Mode, Douglass informed the theatre-going public "that the House will be open for a Fortnight only, as the Company proposes, about that time, embarking for South Carolina."⁶¹

Dissension was beginning to rip through the ranks of the American Company. On November 3, the day when The Earl Of Essex was to be acted, Stephen Wall received a note scrawled across the bottom of one of the old handbills which he had originally distributed in Albany. The message read:

Philadelphia
Moses Franks presents his Compliments to Mr Wall and out of regard informs him that there is A Number of Gentlemen intend hissing Mr Byerly, and insisting on Mr Walls Perform[ing] the Part of Sir Walter Raleigh. Mr Byerlys performance not being much Admir'd in this City dont let them know that I gave this hint to you.
Saturday, Nova 3.⁶²

To avoid possible trouble, Byerly was removed from the cast, but Wall was not given the part. Sir Walter Raleigh was played by the newcomer, George Hughes.⁶³ This incident apparently so upset the temperamental Byerly that he sulked for the next twelve days, for his name was not listed on a playbill during that period. Miss Wainwright did choose this performance to come out of her retirement of the past six years for a brief reappearance with her old companions.⁶⁴

Hamlet, played on November 8,⁶⁵ was introduced by an original prologue written by William Eddis, in which "The sweets of Liberty" were extolled.⁶⁶ The following week a prologue began a dispute which ended in harsh words passed both privately and in public. It had all started innocently enough with the following announcement:

Mr. Douglass begs leave to assure the town, that the Play on Saturday was by him really, absolutely, and bona Fide, intended to be the last performance of the American Company this season, but having been much solicited for the WEST-INDIAN, and the vessel in which the Company [will] embark for Carolina, having been delayed a day longer than was expected, he with pleasure, embraces the opportunity of complying with the wishes of an audience, to whom he owes every possible mark of attention, respect and gratitude.

Richard Goodman had been the original choice to speak the special prologue upon this occasion, but at the last moment, Lewis Hallam was given the privilege. Not only was the prologue taken from him^Goodman, but John Henry replaced Goodman^him in the part of Major O'Flaherty. This ^{action, contrary to the customs of the theatre} so infuriated the displaced actor and was so that Douglass felt that cancellation was the only solution and issued the following handbill:

Mr. Douglass having been informed that there is a Probability of a Disturbance happening in the House this Evening, occasioned by a Dispute that subsists between Mr. Goodman and Mr. Henry, concerning the part of Major O'Flaherty, thinks it a Duty incumbent upon him to do all he can to prevent it, and the only Method that suggests itself to him, is to give up the Play entirely, for this season, for should any Mischief happen, he would think himself accountable for the consequences.

Within a few hours another broadside was being distributed about the streets of Philadelphia:

The Town's Compliments to Mr. Douglass—are sorry that his apprehension of a Disturbance in the House, should preclude them from the Pleasure they were expecting this Evening at the Representation of 232. the West-Indian—Therefore desire, nay insist, that the Play shall go forward.⁶⁹

This appeal availed nothing,^. and t^Two days later a card by John Henry appeared in the Pennsylvania Journal:

JOHN HENRY most respectfully assures the Town, that he has too great a deference for their opinion to wish to do anything contrary to it.—He should, had the Play gone on, have, previous to the drawing up of the curtain, addressed the Audience and submitted himself entirely to their judgement: But Mr. Douglass's concern for the peace of the Theatre prevented him from having an opportunity of evincing that respect he has for the Public, and of confusing those falsehoods that, he understands, have been propogated against him…⁷⁰

The American Company lost the services of three of their members before they embarked for South Carolina. Stephen Wall apparently found music teaching and lecturing more lucrative than acting, and no longer appeared with the players. Almost immediately after the last play in Philadelphia, Mary Richardson married a Mr. Hamilton of Maryland and retired from the stage.⁷² Francis Mentges had tired of the roving life of a comedian and had opened an academy in the long room of the Fountain Tavern on Chestnut Street where he taught dancing, French and German.⁷³

The remaining members of the company sailed for Charleston on the Sea-Nymph, a new brigantine which advertised "genteel accomodations for passengers."⁷⁴ When they arrived in the South Carolina city on Thursday, November 25, they 233. discovered the theatre still unfinished, but its progress was such that they could expect to begin acting before Christmas.⁷⁵ Originally, the completion of the building had been promised for early November.⁷⁶ There is no information about the new theatre, other than the fact that it was located in Church street, on a lot where the Anglican Church formerly stood.⁷⁷

No sooner was it known that the players would be in town than "A Plain Dealer" let fly a poetical blast at the governor for granting the necessary permission and predicted, "Sure he Heaven will never win."⁷⁸ Despite the voicing of this unusual opposition, the new theatre was scheduled to open on December 20,⁷⁹ but the rush of last-minute details forced a two-day postponement. When the playhouse did open on December 22, it was considered to be an event of such importance that the newspapers of New York, Philadelphia and Williamsburg all republished the local account of the first night:

On Wednesday last, the new theatre in this town was opened with Mr. Kelly's WORD TO THE WISE, and HIGH LIFE BELOW STAIRS, with an occasional prologue and epilogue spoken by Mr. Hallam and Mrs. Douglass. The performance gave universal satisfaction; Mr. Hallam in particular, in Captain Dormer, displayed his extraordinary theatrical talents, in a most spirited manner. Indeed all the performers did great justice to their characters; but that Gentleman's superior abilities were so remarkably striking, that we could not pass them over unnoticed. The house is elegantly finished, and supposed, for the size, to be the most commodious on the continent. The scenes, which are new and well designed, the dresses, the music, and what had a very pleasing effect, the disposition of the lights, all contributed to the satisfaction of the audience, who expressed the highest approbation of their entertainment.⁸⁰

One reason for the delight of the audience with the appearance of the company was "a Set of most superb Habits having been just imported from London 234. …at an immense Expense."⁸¹

The season began rather uneventfully. As in the past, Stephen Woolls and the Misses Hallam, Wainwright and Storer assisted Peter Valton in a concert.⁸² On June 1, the Sea-Nymph once again dropped anchor in Charleston, and Ann Storer Henry, who had not acted with the company since they left New York, rejoined the group.⁸³

But these were troubled times. The people, bitter and angry over the measures adopted by England, ^{indulged in fault-finding} were looking for things with which to find fault. For the first time Charleston fostered a spirit of opposition to the theatre. A "foolish female," signing herself "Cleopatra," declared the theatre to be the "Devil's Synagogue," but after attending the playhouse, changed her mind and admitted that it was not so bad as she had thought.⁸⁴ A more serious complaint was registered by the "Grand Jurors at the last Session for this District." A resolution was presented to them declaring the theatre to be "unfit for the present low Estate of the Province;" decrying the unnecessary expenditures for pleasure, and condemning the playhouse as "a Means of promoting the frequent Robberies that are committed and of Vice and Obscenity." Fortunately for the American Company, the recommendation was voted down.⁸⁵

This solemn denouncement did not dampen the enthusiasm of Charleston's devotees of the theatre. During the annual festivities celebrating the repeal of the Stamp Act, the light Infantry Company and the local Regiment of Foot Militia staged a review, after which the officers went in a body to see the 235. performance of The Recruiting Officer and The Oracle, which were acted by their special request.⁸⁶ Naturally the inevitable "Gentleman for his Amusement" made his appearance, this time playing the lead in The West Indian.⁸⁷ Just as inevitably and just as naturally, the Masons had their night, although upon this occasion it took the form of a charity performance. Cato and The Reprisal were the selections chosen "For the Benefit of the Charity-Fund of the Union-Kilwinning Lodge, appropriated to the Relief of the Members of the Society of Free Masons, their Wives, Widows, Children and Orphans, when in distress." The program, of course, included the usual Masonic songs, epilogues, prologues, etc.⁸⁸

Although Douglass and The Devil To Pay on May 16, 1774, were advertised as "the Last Play For These Three Years,"⁸⁹ they were followed on May 19 by King John and The Guardian. King John closed a season in which a total of fifty-eight plays had been presented, and the fact that twenty were of a musical nature indicated this to be one of the gayest seasons in the history of the company.⁹⁰ The Charlestonians had given the actors unusual support and not only filled the auditorium but spilled over on the stage. This made it virtually impossible "that the Performers can do their Characters that Justice their Duty to the Publick requires… " and Douglass was forced to make a firm rule that no one could be admitted to the theatre by way of the stage door in the future.⁹¹ After the playhouse closed, the local press published an evaluation of the season: 236.

Warmly countenanced and supported by the Publick, the Manager and his Company were excited to the most strenuous Efforts to render their Entertainments worthy of so respectable a Patronage.

If it is considered how late it was in the Season before the House could be opened, the Variety of Scenery and Decorations necessary to a regular Theatre, the number of plays represented and that almost every Piece required particular Preparations, it must be confessed that the Exertions of the American Company have been uncommon and justly entitles them to those marks of Public Favour that have for so many years stampt Merit in their Performances.

The choice of Plays hath been allowed to be very judicious, the Director having selected from the most approved English Poets such Pieces as possess in the highest Degree the Utile Dulce, and while they entertain, improve the Mind by conveying the most useful Lessons of Morality and Virtue.⁹²

With the conclusion of the season, the company disbanded for the summer. Most of the company scattered, to reassemble in New York the following season. After playing New York and Philadelphia in 1775-1776 they planned to return to Charleston "with a Theatrical Force hitherto unknown in America."⁹³

The members of the American Company began to go their different ways. Nancy Hallam soon embarked for Sandwich, England, to be followed soon after by Hallam and Stephen Woolls, who sailed in the Eagle for Falmouth.⁹⁴ The Union carried John and Ann Henry, accompanied by Maria Storer, overseas, while the faithful Sea-Nymph bore the Owen Morrises and Miss Wainwright back to Philade1phia.⁹⁵ Douglass and his wife were the last to leave, taking passage on the schooner Rose for New York on June 20.⁹⁶ Only Richard Goodman remained in Charleston. He combined his talents with those of a Mr. Allen, "from the Theatre-Royal in Edinburgh," to give a series of lectures involving that delightful eighteenth-century experiment in phrenology, Steven's Lecture on 237. Heads, which they began on July 6.⁹⁷ Soon thereafter, the Church street Theatre was advertised for rent for a period covering the next two years, the proceeds to be used by the charity fund of the Union-Kilwinning Lodge.⁹⁸

The Douglasses, along with some of the lesser members of their company, arrived in New York on June 30 with "all the necessary Apparatus for performing in this city during the ensuing winter."⁹⁹ During the summer months most of the players were taking a much needed rest. Possibly during this summer Mrs. Douglass went to a tavern in Philadelphia, where, it was said, she died "of a hurt she received in the theatre" and was buried in the Presbyterian cemetery at the corner of Fourth and Arch streets, with all the ladies of the neighborhood attending her funeral.¹⁰⁰ In any event, there was no further notice of her after the announcement of her return from Charleston in June, 1774.

In the fall, despite the ever-widening breach between England and her colonies, the players prepared to open for a full season in New York. Thomas Wignell, a cousin of Lewis Hallam's, and a former player of David Garrick's Drury-Lane Company, had been persuaded to come to America as a member of the American Company. He had made the ocean crossing, and was in a hair-dresser's chair when word came which meant the end of the American colonial theatre.¹⁰¹ The Continental Congress, then sitting in Philadelphia, passed a resolution on October 20, 1774, which read:

We will, in our several stations, encourage frugality, economy, and industry…and will discountenance and discoarage every species of extravagance and dissipation, especially all horse-racing, and 238. all kinds of gaming, cock-fighting, exhibitions of shews, plays, and other expensive diversions and entertainments.¹⁰²

On February 2, 1775, Douglass and his troupe sailed in the Sally for Jamaica, "where they intend exerting their justly applauded Talents for the entertainment of the Ladies and Gentlemen of that polite and opulent island…"¹⁰⁴ On July 1, 1775, they gave their first performance in Jamaica, with a special prologue written for the occasion by Benjamin Moreley, Surgeon-General of the island, which included these lines:

The Muse alarm'd at the loud tempest's roar,
Seeks an asylum on this peaceful shore.

¹⁰⁵

Thus ended the era of the professional theatre in colonial America which, singularly enough, began and ended on a ship called the Sally.

CHAPTER XIII
EPILOGUE

Murray and Kean, Lewis Hallam, Sr., David Douglass, William Verling and even Robert Upton, all played definite and significant roles in the development of the culture of colonial America. They had done more than just establish the theatre as a segment in the social life of the new world.

Through the activities of these players, religious and moralistic prejudice had been weakened to such an extent that by 1792 even staid old Puritan Massachusetts repealed the anti-theatre law of 1750. It is doubtful that the theatre itself was ever the great moral influence which it claimed and which was claimed for it by its champions. It was purely and simply an instrument of entertainment and those beneficial effects which resulted were merely by­products, not the primary end. Neither was it a notably democratic institution. Its leveling influence lay in the fact that the playhouse provided the same entertainment for all. The seating arrangement, which segregated patrons in box, gallery and pit, reflected the social distinctions which existed everywhere in the eighteenth century.

Theatrical companies, by presenting the latest plays of London as well as old favorites, took up a portion of the cultural lag that existed between England and her colonies. Musical interludes and added attractions often set catchy lyrics to classical tunes (notablY compositions of Handel and Arne) and thus helped to cultivate the American ear for good music. Actors developed in the colonial theatre were sometimes rated by competent critics as the equals of those on the London stage. They popularized the production of plays in the 240. schools and encouraged the art of public speaking, which flourished to a remarkable degree in the revolutionary generation.

The literary influence of the colonial theatre cannot be measured, but it should be remembered that two of the most famous utterances of the Revolutionary era came from a story of Roman patriotism, Addison's Cato. Patrick Henry's defiant "Give me Liberty or Give me Death" and Nathan Hale's pathetic "I regret I have but one life to give for my country" were both derived from that play.¹

The resolution of 1774 by the Continental Congress did not kill the theatre in America—it merely held it in suspension in a solution of war and hatred. The thin thread of plays by the military of both combatants helped the drama along its limping way through the American Revolution. A stronger and more evident thread naturally existed in Jamaica, where the players had always enjoyed hospitable surroundings. There, the American Company may have combined forces with the company that had been entertaining the islanders since 1772.² By the late fall of 1775, it was reported that the Kingston Theatre boasted "a passable set of actors,"³ and four years later it was operating under the direct management of Lewis Hallam.⁴

The actors and actresses of the old American Company followed many paths after their flight from New York in 1775. Upon his return to Jamaica, Douglass retired from the stage. With William Aikman, a loyalist of Scotch descent from Charleston, as a partner, he returned to his original profession of printer. Together they founded the Jamaica Mercury and Kingston Advertiser, 241. which later became The Royal Gazette. In 1779 he was appointed to the post of Master of Revels; the prerogatives of his position granting control over the players, gave him a seat upon the stage at every performance and allowed him the proceeds of one benefit a year. This same year, Douglass and Aikman were appointed "Printers to the King's Most Excellent Majesty for Jamaica and Its Dependencies." In April, 1778, he remarried; this time to a Miss Mary Peters, who proved herself more productive than the former Mrs. Hallam by bearing him two children.⁵ Douglass prospered in Jamaica—more so than he ever had as a theatrical manager in America. He became a justice, an officer in the militia and a member of the Council, and accumulated a fortune estimated at £25,000. By August 9, 1789, when he died of a "Complaint of ye Bowels," he was termed a "gentleman,"⁶ a position he could never have hoped to attain as an actor on the American colonial stage.

Lewis Hallam was much too much the actor to forsake the stage, although he confined his activities primarily to the theatre in Jamaica until 1783. He experienced one personal tragedy during this period—the death of his physician son, Lewis, Jr. Of the two sons born to Lewis and Sarah Hallam, apparently this younger Lewis had spent most of his life in Jamaica, possibly living with his mother's people. A local newspaper reported his death:

Kingston, September 23rd, 1780: On Monday night last, after a painful illness of twenty-one days, departed this life Mr. L. D. Hallam, Jr., in the 19th year of his age. The loss of this amiable and worthy young man is deeply regretted by every person that has connected with him in friendship or business: in friendship he was steady, disinterested and honorable; in his medical capacity, ingenious, faithful and industrious. With most heart-felt concern, one who knew him well, feels the influence of his virtues, in deploring that they exist no more.⁷

In 1785, Hallam formed a partnership with John Henry, with whom he was at constant odds. In 1794 the partnership was dissolved, and Hallam joined forces with John Hodgkinson, and the two were later joined by William Dunlap. Lewis Hallam retired from the managerial field in 1797 and became a salaried actor. He had faded fast. As early as 1787 a newspaper had criticized his dissipated abilities with the comment, "His battered looks, and shrunk carcass looks the debilitated rake but the soul, the animation, the fire, had left the withered body,"⁸ while a contemporary could put up but a weak defense for the former idol by admitting he "preserved only the wreck of his former capacity, but still was a various and elegant actor."⁹

Prevented by his early marriage from taking another wife, Hallam took unto his bosom a Miss Tuke, with whom he lived as man and wife, and apparently with the promise of eventual marriage at the death of Sarah. Peter Early, a young law student of Philadelphia, wrote of the fulfillment of this promise in 1792:

>Lewis Hallam and Miss Tuke were married on Monday evening last by the right reverend Bishop White. 0 ye Gods and Goddesses what a feast the dry boned old Devil must have had.—The old wretch has been long under restraint by reason of a wife, from whom he has been parted many years. However, to his great satisfaction no doubt she died about four weeks ago in Virginia & the damned Hypocrite was so affected with the intelligence that he could not eat for two nights after. The result is that in about a month's time after her death, he married Miss Tuke. Damn the old Scrawny boned wretch how I should like to cuckle [cuckold] him. I'll [warr]ant he's had many a tip of [torn] before he was married.

Lewis Hallam's second wife was no better than he deserved. She drank heavily and quarreled continuously with other members of the cast.¹¹ Several 243. disputes between the managers were "owing to her bad conduct."¹² Shortly after this marriage, Hallam brought his second son from Virginia, where apparently he had been brought up by his mother in Williamsburg. He had been named Mirvan, possibly after the character by that name in Tamerlane. There is no indication as to his age at this time, but he had married some time before he left Williamsburg.¹³ Mirvan made his stage debut in The West Indian at a New York Theatre in 1793. By 1797 his father planned to establish him as a manager in Jamaica just as soon as he could gain control of the West Indian theatres.¹⁴ This ambitious scheme never materialized, and although Mirvan remained upon the stage, he was possessed of so little talent that he added little lustre to the family name.

Lewis Hallam died in 1808. Cantankerous, parsimonious, crafty and irritable, he was still an able actor and must be given his just due as the first great actor of the American stage.

John Henry was possibly as good an actor as Lewis Hallam, but he had been held down in the early part of his career by the latter, who always rather contemptuously referred to him as "a splendid amateur actor."¹⁵ Henry had not remained in Jamaica throughout the Revolution, but had spent the years 1779-1780 in Drury-Lane, where among other parts he played Othello.¹⁶ in 1794 he tired of his partnership with Hallam and sold out to his partner for $10,000, but he still was regularly employed as an actor.

Ann Storer Henry is believed to have borne Henry one son who eventually became a ship captain. Growing weary of Henry, she left him and promptly married an actor of mediocre talents who bore the porcine name of Hogg, and who was twenty-four years her junior. As Ann Henry Hogg she appeared on the New York stage as late as 1798.¹⁷ Several children were born of this union who, after the death of their parents, changed their name to Biddle, under which name they figured prominently on the American stage for two generations.¹⁸

John Henry was never long without a Storer. In 1781 Maria had played in the same company with Henry and appears to have remained with him the rest of his life. In 1785 she appeared in a concert in Charleston as "Miss Maria Storer, that celebrated Disciple of Calliope,"¹⁹ but after 1787 she listed herself as Maria Henry. She bore him a daughter, of whom little is known other than that she eloped and died soon afterwards.²⁰ In later years, John Henry's huge body was wracked with consumption, and he died aboard a small coasting vessel bound for Rhode Island. Maria Henry was with him in these last moments, and apparently the shock of seeing his body buried unceremoniously on a sand bar in the sound was too much for her. She returned to Philadelphia, sent for Henry's body, and soon after seeing it decently interred she died insane, April 25, 1795.²¹

Many of the members of the old American Company had been together in the islands during the war. One bill of a play in 1781 listed these names in the 245. cast; Lewis Hallam, John Henry, Richard Goodman, Owen Morris, Mr. Dermot, Stephen Woolls, Mrs. Morris, Maria Storer, and Margaret Cheer.²² At times even the peripatetic James Godwin seems to have appeared with the company. George Hughes, who had joined the company late in their American tour, became a successful auctioneer.²³

Margaret Cheer is supposed to have eloped with a Mr. Long, her father's coachman. She came out of retirement in 1793, but her reception was so poor that she left the stage permanently. She died as Mrs. Long in Jamaica in 1800.²⁴

Miss Wainwright is said to have first married a Mr. Miranda while in the West Indies, and after his death, the actor, Isaac Morales. She apparently played on the Jamaican stage for some time, and some reports indicate her later return to Philadelphia.²⁵

The only clue to the eventual fate of Adam Hallam is that a person by that name was listed as a shoemaker in the New York Directory for 1798.²⁶ Nancy Hallam was listed as a "spinster" in Jamaica in the year 1775, when on May 15 she married John Raynard, the organist of Kingston Parish Church. As Mrs. Raynard she eventually became the leading lady of the company in Kingston.²⁷

Owen Morris lived to become the patriarch of the American stage, dying in New York in the year 1808 at the age of ninety.²⁸ His wife was a favorite 246. both as an actress and a singer, her songs of "When William" and "I've Kissed and I have Prattled" often being "rapturously encored." She became known as a great eccentric, adhering to those fashions which had been popular in her youth—a long trained dress, high heel shoes, a high turban-like head dress, and a white cravat—a costume that drew the attention of adults on the street as well as the ridicule of small boys. She died sometime around 1829.²⁹

Samuel Greville, the first native American player, seems to have gone to Charleston and begun the practice of medicine. He was married in 1773 and died the following year.³⁰

Paula Tomlinson, of the early days of the Douglass Company, appeared with her daughter on the New York stage in the "Theatre Royal,"³¹ which was operated by the British officers who had "come, to Minister to Minds diseas'd."³²

Thomas Wall stuck to his lecture circuit in the colonies. He had discarded his lectures on heads and noses in favor of the more fabulous demonstrations of electricity. Even before Douglass had sailed for Jamaica, he was appearing in Maryland with his new entertainment.³³ Eight months later he was using a room of Gabriel Maupin's in Williamsburg, lecturing on the wonders of this element, which he advertised "For promoting religion, morality, useful knowledge, the instruction of the curious, and for the benefit of persons afflicted with paralytic disorders."³⁴ It was Wall who made the first efforts to reinstate 247. the theatre in the latter stages of the American Revolution during ^{the last years of the Ware for Independence} 1782-1783, as a co-manager with Adam Lindsay, a tavern-keeper of Baltimore, and with a supporting player who used the name of "Mr. Shakespear."³⁵

In Williamsburg, only Sarah Hallam remained as a last reminder that the city had once been a proud theatre town. Her estranged husband may have contributed some money for the support of young Mirvan, but there is evidence that she may have operated a boarding house as early as 1770.³⁶ If she did receive any money from Lewis Hallam, it was probably discontinued in 1774 when he left for Jamaica. It may have been for this reason that Sarah Hallam, on August 19, 1775, advertised the establishment of a dancing school.³⁷ The school, or possibly other enterprises in which she was interested, apparently prospered, for by 1783 she owned two slaves.³⁸ In her later years she appears to have been very popular among the ladies of Williamsburg. Reports indicate that she operated her dancing academy until her death, November 27, 1793.³⁹

The buildIngs which Douglass had constructed as theatres met many and varied fates. The John Street Theatre in New York and the Southwark in Philadelphia were used by British officers, who followed their usual custom of forming a theatrical group soon after they were established in garrison duty. Even in Boston, the redcoats had forced the drama down constricted Puritan throats by converting Faneuil Hall into a playhouse.

In 1775, the vestry of St. Anne's Parish in Annapolis decided "to take down the organ, pack same in proper boxes as the Reverend Mr. Lendrum and Vestry agree that in the ruined condition of the Church Building, the Play House be fitted up for a Place of divine Worship and that the clerk erect a pulpit therein."⁴⁰ For the next seven years the walls of the theatre echoed back the words of sober hymns, rather than the lilting lyrics of a Miss Hallam, Wainwright or Storer. A robed rector now spoke in solemn majesty in the spot where Henrietta Osborne used to gambol in a breeches part.

The Church Street Theatre in Charleston survived two sieges and a military occupation, but it burned in 1782 and was not rebuilt on that spot.⁴¹

In Williamsburg, where it all began, the playhouse stood as late as 1775.⁴² Five years later, the property "whereon the Old Play House lately stood"⁴³ was sold, and in January, 1787, the last vestiges disappeared when the foundation bricks were sold to James Moir, brick mason and carpenter.⁴⁴

With the playhouse gone, Virginians could now manifest their interest in the drama only by reading plays to one another⁴⁵—just the way it began a hundred years before.

CHAPTER XIV
PLAYHOUSES

Essentially, theatre buildings in eighteenth century America were of crude construction, and actors oft-times performed in auditoriums hastily converted into playhouses. Players acted in council rooms, assembly halls, a tobacco-house, a former pottery, warehouses, court rooms, taverns, and even a hospital.

Insofar as can be determined, the first three buildings erected as regular theatres in America were at Williamsburg and Charleston—with Williamsburg claiming the first and the third playhouses. Little is known of the first two theatres in the colonies, and it was not until the 1750's when professional actors began to tour colonial America that the development of theatre construction was inaugurated. Neither the inspiration nor the inclination existed before that time.

Few sources remain to cast any light on the first theatre in Williamsburg. From existing foundations it was learned that the dimensions of this first colonial playhouse were 32 feet, 2 inches wide, and 86 feet, 6 inches long.¹ The only clue to its possible appearance lies in a newspaper advertisement which appeared about twenty-seven years after the original construction. Only because the city fathers of Williamsburg wished to remodel the playhouse as a municipal courthouse did the following notice appear in the Virginia Gazette of December 19, 1745: 251.

The Play-House in Williamsburg, by Order of the Common-Hall of the said City, is to be fitted up for a Court-House, with the necessary Alterations and Repairs; that is to say, to be new shingled, weather­boarded, painted, five large Sash Windows, Door, flooring, plastering and proper Workmanship within: Notice is hereby given to all such as are willing to undertake the doing thereof, That they offer their Proposals to the Mayor, who will inform them more particularly what is to be done. ²

It seems that this first Williamsburg theatre was of crude construction. In the first place, the prime mover of the project, William Levingston, apparently knew little or nothing of theatres other than from possible observation and reading. His original vocation was merchandising, and from all appearances his entry into the field of entertainment was strictly as an entrepreneur. Charles and Mary Stagg, his partners in the enterprise, appear to have been professional entertainers at some time in their past and may possibly have been familiar with European theatre construction. But assuming that the Staggs had professional experience abroad, the fact that they had been bound to Levingston would indicate that they were not of the top rank. It would seem from the evidence that their greatest forte lay in their dancing; but at no time is there a record of their actual appearance on the stage of the Williamsburg theatre, not even in a dancing role. Thus, with the absence of pertinent information, it must be assumed that the details for the first theatre in America either were drawn from the memories of things past, or gleaned from some contemporary volume.

The Dock street Theatre of Charleston (1736) must be eliminated as a subject for comparison. There is little information about the original plan of that playhouse other than that it contained the essentials of stage, pit, boxes and gallery. When this theatre was reconstructed, it was based on the details of Georgian theatres in England.³

Williamsburg's second theatre, insofar as is known, was the first in America to be erected by professional actors. True, it was built under the somewhat doubtful direction of Murray and Kean, but it was remodeled by Lewis Hallam, who was not only an English actor of experience but also his brother and partner had been a theatrical manager, albeit an unsuccessful one, in London. As in the case of the first Williamsburg theatre, information is sparse Concerning the second. To ascertain the basic characteristics of a theatre in colonial America, fragments of information from both English and American origins must be fitted into a composite picture bearing the general outlines of a pre-revolutionary playhouse.

There was no general rule to be followed in the location of theatres during this period. Williamsburg's first theatre was on the Palace Green, while the second, at the time of its construction on Eastern (Waller) Street, was on the edge of town, so close to the trees of the forest that years later Lewis Hallam, Jr. claimed that the actors were able to shoot game from the doors and windows of the playhouse.⁴ The theatres of Charleston, Annapolis, and New York were located within the town, and only in Philadelphia was an effort made to situate them outside the jurisdiction of the local authorities.

Playhouses of the eighteenth century were, of a necessity, small. Even in these small houses, a capacity house was the exception rather than the rule. The dimensions of the auditorium were limited by the restrictions of sight and sound. Within these dimly lighted buildings it was necessary that the spectators be fairly close to the stage. In those days of poor acoustics, the "untoward Construction of the whole House" distorted both the speaking and singing voices of the comedians. When Nancy Hallam sang in the Annapolis Theatre in 1770, one critic deplored "the Ruggedness of the Roof" which so 253. warped "The Musick of her Tongue."⁵ This defect was perhaps corrected the following year when a new playhouse was "thought to be as elegant and commodious, as any Theatre in America."⁶

The actual dimensions of theatre buildings in the colonies varied just as they did in England, where they ranged all the way from the 112 feet by 58 feet of the first Drury-Lane,⁷ to tiny provincial theatres measuring no more than 44 feet by 22 feet.⁸ The only known measurements of American colonial theatres are Williamsburg (1718), 86 feet by 32 feet;⁹ Southwark of Philadelphia (1766), 95 feet by 50 feet;¹⁰ New York's Chapel Street (1761), 90 feet by 40 feet;¹¹ Charleston (1763), 75 feet by 35 feet;¹² and the 1769 playhouse in Halifax, North Carolina, which was approximately 60 feet by 30 feet.¹³ Striking an average from these few figures, it might be stated that the typical theatre building in the colonies measured 81 feet by 37 feet.

The favorite construction material was wood. The first theatre building to contain any brick construction was Philadelphia's Southwark in 1766. The first story of the building was of brick, but it was of frame construction from 254. there to the roof. The Annapolis Theatre of 1771 was the first all-brick playhouse in America. Usually the exterior was painted red, not only as a means of attracting attention, but as an identifying color.¹⁴ The theatres of the eighteenth century were hastily erected, one month to six weeks being the usual time required for their construction. Certainly the Chapel street Theatre in New York had not been intended as a permanent structure, for an angry mob needed only one night to demolish it.¹⁵

The managers of the theatrical companies would sometimes make some concessions to the comfort of their customers. In Philadelphia a foot-path was laid across the common to protect the shoes of the ladies;¹⁶ a sixty-foot covered way led from the street to the John street Theatre in New York;¹⁷ and there was a covered porch above the front door of the playhouse in Annapolis.¹⁸

The interior of a colonial theatre appears to have been as crude as the exterior. The application of bright paints, dim lights, combined with the fact that attention was focused on the stage, successfully camouflaged these defects. The stage dominated the auditorium. Extending upward from the floor to a height of five feet,¹⁹ it extended apron-like into the pit.²⁰ This was a time in the history of the theatre when great importance was attached to the words of the dialogue and the "humanity of characterization," which, because of poor lighting and worse acoustics, demanded a close proximity between the actors and the audience.²¹ The proscenium arch, instead of framing the stage, EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY ILLUSTRATION OF MISS IN HER TEENS
Note: Spikes across front of state. Courtesy Harvard Theatre Collection. 255. divided it in half, with the stage gently sloping toward the pit, sometimes for a distance of seventeen feet. The arch itself contained a door on each side of the stage used as convenient entrances and exits for the actors. These doors in one English theatre were painted green and equipped with brass knockers and handles. Over each door was a window with lace curtains. Beneath each of the windows was a balcony containing flower pots. The proscenium doors in some theatres were fitted with bell pulls,²² allowing them to become a part of an exterior scene when the occasion demanded. In the pit in front of the stage was an area which had been railed off for the use of the musicians. Across the forward edge of the platform was a row of iron spikes, ostensibly to keep the audience away from the actors,²³ but on one occasion in Williamsburg's second theatre, one of them was used as a spit on which to skewer Patrick Malone.²⁴

Above the stage were catwalks and some machinery, primarily that used for sound effects. Traps were fitted into the floor, designed for the entrances and exits of such characters as the witches in Macbeth, and providing a grave for the diggers in Hamlet. Below the stage was located the primary machinery, the green room and the dressing rooms.²⁵ In later years the dressing rooms of the John street Theatre in New York were re-located in sheds attached to the side of the building.²⁶ If the professional actors in America followed English custom, three or four players were assigned to a dressing room, each claiming one area for himself called his "shift."²⁷

Above the stage, possibly fastened to the proscenium arch, was a Latin motto, Totus Mundus agit Histrionem, copied from the original at Drury-Lane. Contemporaries translated the motto as "The Whole world acts the player."²⁸ The Philadelphia and New York theatres featured this motto,²⁹ and the claim has been made that it was a regular fixture in all colonial playhouses.³⁰ Alexander Graydon remembered the motto in the Southwark and an anecdote associated with it is recorded in his Memoirs:

Over their stage, in imitation of the sons Drury, they have fixed the motto of Totus mundus agit histrionem—the whole world acts the player. Some young ladies, one evening, among whom was my aunt, applied to the gentleman who attended them for the meaning of the words. Willing to pass himself off as a scholar, and taking for his clew, probably the word mundus, he boldly interpreted them into—"We act Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays." And the ladies were satisfied. But to the lasting disquiet of the unlucky beau, they were not long after undeceived by some of their more learned acquaintances.³¹

The auditoriums of the colonial theatres followed no set pattern of construction. Not all seats provided an unobstructed view of the stage, for the roof and the gallery of the Southwark Theatre were supported by large square pillars.³² Not always did the pit slope downwards toward the front of the building to provide a better sight line for the holders of those seats. A level floor seems to have been the fashion in both the 1736 and the 1763 theatres in Charleston, probably with an idea of accommodating the balls which were often held in the theatre.³³ The benches of the pit were of the simplest construction, 257. and were without backs. To create the illusion of comfort they were sometimes covered with rush matting,³⁴ sometimes with green baize.³⁵ The purchasers of pit tickets were squeezed into the smallest possible space. As late as 1790 in London's Covent Garden Theatre a maximum of twenty-one inches was allowed each customer for "seat and void."³⁶

In most instances, the boxes were built in a U-shape around the sides and back of the auditorium. In the earlier theatres there seems to have been only one tier of boxes, while most of those constructed in the later stages of the colonial theatre contained an upper set. In either case, spikes were used to separate the box seats from the pit, and in the case of the upper tier, from the gallery.³⁷ The practice of placing boxes along the side of the stage originated in the London theatres in 1738,³⁸ a feature which David Douglass appears to have incorporated into the theatres which he constructed in America. When eggs were tossed upon the New York stage in 1762, the manager complained that "the Cloaths of some Ladies and Gentlemen were spoiled,"³⁹ an indication that they were occupying stage boxes upon this occasion. The boxes were flexible in design. If the occasion warranted, they could be enlarged with short notice.⁴⁰ The London managers had adopted the idea on those nights when extraordinary crowds were expected, "to lay" the boxes into the pit, thus increasing the select area and charging box prices for the whole.⁴¹ This was done by removing 258. the partitions between the pit and the boxes. This same procedure was often followed in America, especially on those nights when the Masons were entertained, or at the performance of a charity benefit.⁴² Apparently boxes were not separated from each other in the earlier theatres. When Douglass placed partitions between the boxes of the Chapel street Theatre in 1762, he featured them in his advertisements as something new.⁴³ Managers of colonial theatres may have followed the custom of their English counterparts by designating the box directly opposite the stage as the Royal Box, with the Royal Arms emblazoned on the front.⁴⁴ In colonial capitals, as a sop to the vanity of the governor, one box may have been set aside for his use. Entrance to the boxes, especially after the innovation of stage boxes, was through the stage door. In those theatres which contained two tiers of boxes, the upper seats would be reached through this same entrance.⁴⁵ It has been stated that in the American colonial theatre "Certain boxes were reserved for the ladies of easy virtue, who did not neglect this opportunity to advertise themselves."⁴⁶ This statement, however, seems to be based on speculation rather than fact, for not even the pious critics of Philadelphia mentioned harlots in the boxes.

The gallery sometimes ran only across the back of the building, but in the larger houses, unless upper boxes had been installed, all three sides of the auditorium wall were utilized. These were the cheapest seats, and were possibly bare of covering. It was in this "upper-tier of pop-gun wit"⁴⁷ that 259. trouble usually started. In England the footmen and the lackeys had considered the gallery as their special domain,⁴⁸ and in the colonies it was the less genteel element of mechanics, artisans, laborers and loose women who looked down upon the denizens of the pit.

In some eighteenth century theatres there was a lobby of sorts. In the Annapolis theatre of 1769 there seems to have been a bar located for the convenience of the customers in this ante-room.⁴⁹ One English observer stated that all American theatres of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries contained a bar located in the lobby.⁵⁰

One of the more popular methods of financing the construction of theatre buildings in colonial America seems to have been by subscription. Houses in Williamsburg, New York, Annapolis and Charleston were erected through the use of this expedient. Those who subscribed certain sums to the building fund were repaid in theatre tickets, sometimes for as long as two seasons. The money thereafter received from the purchase of tickets by non-subscribers would be retained by the manager for his operating expenses.⁵¹

There is little specific information with respect to the actual cost of construction. In 1754, when Hallam left New York for Philadelphia, he sold the Nassau street Theatre to a society of German Calvinists for the equivalent of $1,250,⁵² which was possibly less than its original cost. The construction 260. costs of the Chapel Street Theatre in New York in 1761 totaled £650.⁵³

There is also little information concerning the seating capacity of these houses. The Nassau street Theatre of Murray and Kean held 161 people in the pit, 10 in the boxes, and 121 in the gallery.⁵⁴ The Chapel Street Playhouse, which was built by Douglass as a regular theatre, seated 146 in the boxes, 116 in the pit, while the cheaper places in the gallery numbered only 90.⁵⁵

The curtain used in the theatres of the colonial period was of the roll type. All references indicate the curtain as going "up." The roll curtain was popular in England as early as 1740 and as late as 1780. Customarily, these curtains were of a green cloth,⁵⁶ but as early as 1753 one London theatre had a richly painted curtain.⁵⁷ American players allowed themselves no such luxuries. Curtains were always green, including New York's last colonial theatre, the John Street.⁵⁸ If American theatrical procedure followed that of England, the curtain rose soon after the delivery of the prologue and did not fall again until after the epilogue had been spoken. The end of each act was indicated by a clear stage.⁵⁹

Theatrical machinery was constructed as needed, other than those standard items with which all theatres were equipped. Stage traps were a necessity, and it seems only reasonable to suppose that a thunder run was always included 261. in the primary equipment. Thunder was created by rolling an iron cannon-ball along a switch-back trough of wood,⁶⁰ while the "rattling a Vast quantity of peas in rollers" simulated rain.⁶¹ Snow was torn paper, which Joseph Addison claimed to be "the plays of many unsuccessful poets artificially cut and shredded for that use. Mr. Ryner's Edgar is to fall in snow at the next acting of King lear…"⁶² The effect of lightning was accomplished by blowing Greek pitch and rosin through a torch or candle by means of long tubes.⁶³ "Flying Machines" by which actors were made to disappear upwards were operated just as they are today—with wire and a winch. The occasional breaking of the wire sometimes resulted in a fatal accident.⁶⁴ The most difficult machinery to construct seems to have been that which was used for the merry pranks of Harlequin.⁶⁵

Scenery was never too elaborate, especially in the earlier days of the American theatre. Scenes were designed to open in the middle, sliding outwards in grooves built into the floor of the stage.⁶⁶ Portable grooves seem to have been a part of the required equipment of the strolling players, possibly to use 262. in particular situations or to fit up a temporary building in those towns which did not have a regular theatre.⁶⁷ The stage directions of the day indicate that this method of shifting scenery was used in the colonies. In Major Robert Roger's Ponteach (1766) and Thomas Godfrey's Prince of Parthia (1766) the authors indicate that the scene "opens and discovers."⁶⁸ Likewise the instructions for The Conquest of Canada say, "As they run across the Stage, scene draws and discovers a larger view of the Heights of Abraham."⁶⁹ The dimensions of the scenes were usually from twenty-four to twenty-nine feet wide, and about sixteen feet high,⁷⁰ although in some instances Douglass used flats as high as twenty feet.⁷¹ The side-scenes or wings worked in top and bottom grooves.⁷² Backdrops sometimes were fastened to rollers rather than a frame because of the ease with which they could be packed and transported.⁷³ Scenery was shifted in plain view of the audience. In some instances an actor would walk to the front of the stage with the scenes closing behind him, while upon other occasions he would make his exit by retiring towards the back of the stage and the scenes closing before him.⁷⁴

Because of the expense involved in painting new scenes, dramatists were chary of introducing other than stock scenes in their plays. The usual pieces 263. of scenic equipment at London's Drury Lane were typical sets of a general character, including a "street," a "forest," a "parlor," and the like.⁷⁵ The stock background for The Fop's Fortune was used for over forty years without replacement in Covent Garden. It was not until the 1790's that the London theatres used almost an entirely new set of scenery for every play.⁷⁶

Eighteenth century scenery was splashed with bold colors on a material that was burlap-like in quality. Detail was sacrificed for bold outlines,⁷⁷ in order to take full advantage of the dim light cast by the flickering candles. Sometimes even chairs and tables were painted on the canvas, although these properties were on the stage when required. Shrewd managers of the eighteenth century theatre resorted to their ingenuity in furnishing many sets. One expedient commonly used was representing the tomb of the Capulets in Romeo and Juliet by draping a black cloth across the heroine as she lay on a couch.⁷⁸ The greatest number of properties used in America during the colonial period was at Douglass's presentation of The Conquest of Canada in Philadelphia in 1773, when the necessary cannon and boats were loaned by the local garrisons.⁷⁹

In the early days of the colonial theatre, scenery was inferior. In 1751 Thomas Kean not only accepted the proceeds of one benefit performance for his half interest in the properties, but also for his share of the costumes and control of the company.⁸⁰ Lewis Hallam apparently brought scenes of a respectable nature with him from London, while David Douglass, upon several occasions, 264. sent back to London to secure scenes painted by the best craftsmen of the day. In 1759 the scenery for the Southwark Theatre cost him over £100.⁸¹ In certain productions, transparent scenes became the vogue and always received top billing when the American Company played Theodocious and Cymon.⁸² Actually, other than these transparent scenes, only one description of a setting used by Douglass is available. This scene which had been painted by Richards of London for the Annapolis Theatre in 1773, "exhibited a View of a superb Apartment, at the End of a fine Colonade of Pilars of the Ionic Order, which, by a happy Disposition of the Lights, had a most pleasing Effect."⁸³

As in scenery, the lighting arrangements for the American colonial theatre followed the order established by the playhouses of England. In the earlier theatres, candles furnished all illumination. The primary lighting on the stage was supplied by pendant chandeliers known as "hoops." In his Memoirs, Tate Wilkinson described a hoop used in Drury Lane as "containing twelve candles in brass sockets, and a heavy iron flourished and joined to each bottom, large enough for a street palisade."⁸⁴ The number of these fixtures varied, presumably with the size of the stage; Drury Lane used six hoops, while those in the colonies seemed to have varied from four to two. They were set well in front of the curtain—to have placed them near would have invited fire.⁸⁵ Hoops were apparently lowered to the eye level of the boxes, and as early as 1669 Samuel Pepys was complaining of his "eyes being sensibly hurt by the too great lights of the playhouse."⁸⁶

EARLY FOOTLIGHTS
Courtesy Harvard Theatre Collection

Sconces along the walls of the auditorium provided the lighting for that area. These sconces were left burning throughout the performance. Both tallow, and spermaceti candles were used.⁸⁷ Tallow candles, "a malodorous idea and a dripping fact,"⁸⁸ were used for the lighting of the audience area. After the introduction of spermaceti in the mid-eighteenth century, candles made of this material were used to provide the stage lighting, possibly to protect the costumes of the players. For one New York benefit performance in 1762, charges were made for twenty-six pounds of spermaceti and fourteen pounds of tallow candles.⁸⁹ On rare occasions when the less offensive spermaceti candles were used throughout the house, the change was featured in the advertising.⁹⁰

Footlights came back into general use during the latter half of the colonial period. Although footlights had been used in the old Red Bull Theatre as early as 1662, apparently they were discarded in favor of the hoops. These earlier footlights were merely a row of double-wick lamps placed in a line across the front of the stage, and were use i conjunction with the chandeliers.⁹¹ David Garrick is usually given credit for the re-introduction of footlights in 1765, but a 1743 inventory of "Properties, etc. contained in the cellar" of Covent Garden lists "The Lamps in front. fixt, with barrel, cordage, weights, etc."⁹² Rather than the simpler candles with tin reflectors, these lamps were a piece of machinery usually referred to as the "float." It contained a number 266. of cotton wicks inserted through large pieces of cork, which floated on a quantity of oil contained in a long rectangular box lined with tin, fitted over a trap at the front of the stage. A tin reflector screened the audience from the glare of the flame. This apparatus did not extend the width of the stage, but only occupied a limited space in the center. When there was a scene calling for darkness, the entire contrivance was lowered beneath the floor of the stage by a series of weights and counterweights.⁹³ In England, the prompter's bell signalled for the manipulation of the floats; when Charles Lamb later wrote of his first play, he noted: "The lights—the orchestra lights—came up a clumsy machinery. The first ring, and the second ring, was now but a trick of the prompter's bell …"⁹⁴ With the trough containing so much inflammable material, footlights were a fire hazard, and there was an occasional account of an audience becoming hysterical when the flame of the wick set fire to the oil.⁹⁵ By the end of the colonial era American newspapers contained comments on the "pleasing effect" caused by "the Disposition of the Lights."⁹⁶ Strangely enough, with all of this crude lighting equipment, there is no record of any playhouse's being destroyed by fire in the period in which the theatre was active in colonial America.

The problems of heating and ventilation faced the manager with every change of the season. As the players sometimes performed in relatively frigid weather, there were undoubtedly some arrangements made for heating the house. One such occasion was when Hamlet was presented on December 28, 1759, for the 267. benefit of the Philadelphia hospital—a night so cold that ships could not enter port because of the ice in the Delaware River.⁹⁷ A provincial theatre of England advertised in 1725: "There will be two fires kept on the stage during the time of performance and the room may be warm."⁹⁸ In the colonies the hastily constructed playhouses were not very well insulated and there was need for heating arrangements. Although there must have been some heating facilities at the time, theatre-goers were sometimes urged to bring small foot-stoves. When Murray and Kean were playing in Rip Van Dam's warehouse in 1750 they announced, "The house being new floored is made warm and comfortable, besides which Gentlemen and Ladies may cause their stoves to be brought."⁹⁹ One modern writer suggests the use of the so-called "cannon-stoves," upright iron cylinders, which were first made in 1752 in Lancaster and Colebrookdale, Pennsylvania.¹⁰⁰ When the John Street Theatre was being used by the British officers in 1779, they paid one Thomas Grisalle £7 for a stove and pipe for the building.¹⁰¹ Fires were also kept going back-stage and below the stage, in places where the actors could go to warm themselves between appearances. In 1735 in London's Drury Lane this fire was in the green room.¹⁰² The tending of a fire was included in the duties of John Ayman when he was employed by the British officers to tend "the lamps and fires below the Stage" of the John Street Theatre.¹⁰³

The warmer weather of spring and summer also called for some consideration for the comfort of the audience. In hot weather David Douglass frequently advertised the "Alterations made in the House, in order to render it Cool."¹⁰⁴ The only suggestion of the nature of these alterations appeared in an advertisement of 1769, when he assured the patrons of the John street Theatre, "The Ceiling will be opened over the Pit, and every other Method taken to render the House as cool as possible."¹⁰⁵ A cupola seems to have been added to the top of some playhouses to promote ventilation and to allow the escape of candle fumes and smoke. This was an established practice; in 1668 Samuel Pepys had complained of the rain blowing in through the cupola atop the King's playhouse in London.¹⁰⁶ In 1793, the John Street Theatre was described as having a "Ventilator" at the top of the house, and later that same year an advertisement stated that a "Wind-Sail" had been "erected, for the Purpose of Keeping the House cool."¹⁰⁷

An eighteenth century theatre manager can command only admiration for the problems he had to overcome in providing a place for his actors to present their plays. It is obvious that they displayed great ingenuity in meeting these problems without the expenditure of large sums for theatrical productions in colonial America and always operated on slim budgets.

CHAPTER XV
OPERATING CUSTOMS

It was only natural that the operating customs of the theatre in colonial America should reflect those patterns already established in England. But like all mores and practices which were transported to the new world, theatrical precedents were subject to changes necessitated by the new environment.

The first thing that a theatrical manager had to do was to secure the necessary permission of the authorities to perform. In England this authority was vested in the mayor, and occasionally this was the case in America. Usually, however, it was the colonial governor who licensed the players. Often in England, permission was withheld until the actors agreed to give one performance for the benefit of the poor,¹ a condition which was sometimes imposed on the strollers in the colonies. When authorities exhibited stubbornness and delayed granting the necessary permission, managers brought their ingenuity into play and advertised their productions as "Moral Dialogues," or the theatre as "An Histrionic Academy."

The sharing system was the principal method of reimbursing the actors in colonial America. This scheme was English in origin. Division of the profits was made at the end of every performance after a list of expenses had been deducted from the total receipts of the evening. Each actor possessed one share, except the manager, who was allowed three to five, because not only did he take his regular turn on the stage but he was responsible for furnishing 270. the wardrobe and scenery, and for the general operation of the company.² In America, profit-sharing seems to have been the favorite method of compensation until as late as 1791.³ The practice had apparently disappeared by 1797 when the controlling interests in the companies were held by the manager and his backers, and the actors were placed on salaries.⁴

Under ordinary circumstances, the colonial players acted three nights a week, usually M0ndays, Wednesdays, and Fridays. Sometimes they appeared on Tuesdays, Thursdays and Fridays, and at times, performances were reduced to two a week. At other times, plays would follow each other on successive nights, especially during limited engagements in small villages. There were certain periods when the companies deliberately refrained from playing. In the latter part of the eighteenth century a play was never given on the King's birthday, and if a scheduled performance conflicted with this event, the play was either postponed or cancelled in order to insure an open date on this occasion.⁵ Plays were never performed during Passion Week,⁶ and if inadvertently scheduled for that time, they were postponed.⁷ Weather also was instrumental in forcing cancellations and delays. Rain, cold and heat all kept the audience away from the playhouses.⁸ in some instances when a small crowd turned out for a 271. performance, the program was altered or cancelled. The American Company received so much criticism for this practice that in 1767 David Douglass assured the playgoers that in the future the program which had been advertised would always be performed.⁹

Curtain time in the colonial theatre varied from five to seven o'clock, oft-times in accordance with the seasons. In those instances in which a large out-of-town group was expected, the time was advanced to four o'clock in order to allow these folk to reach their homes at a reasonable hour.¹⁰ If there were other attractions in the evening which threatened to cut down the audience the performance at the theatre would be rescheduled for the afternoon.¹¹ There is some evidence which indicates that the original Hallam Company had intended playing in the afternoon as a regular practice, but switched to the evening because of the heat of Virginia.¹²

It was not all play and no work for the actors. Rehearsals occupied a large part of their daylight hours. A new play was usually read to the players for the first time in the Green Room.¹³ Subsequent rehearsals, under the direction of the manager or some veteran actor, would be held every morning for three to five weeks before it was presented for the first time.¹⁴ As there were no try-outs, actors were forced to use but little effort and would mutter their lines to "keep in their voices" in order to save them for full 272. range at the evening's performance.¹⁵ If the manager planned to offer more entertainments of singing and dancing than usual, a play would suffer some abridgement as a means of cutting down the playing time.¹⁶

Once an actor had demonstrated his ability to play a part, it remained his property so long as he remained with the company. As a result, elderly actors and actresses quite often played youthful and unsuitable roles. ^{Before the day of the understudy,}If an actor, playing an important part, became too ill to make an appearance, the play would either suffer postponement or substitution.¹⁷ This was before the day of the understudy. This precedent of laying claim to parts acted in the past sometimes led to quarrels which bordered on the violent, as evidenced by the Henry Goodman dispute of 1773 in Philadelphia.¹⁸ But the practice apparently met with the approval of the audience; or at least, they condoned it.

A benefit was one of the principal methods by which an actor could supplement his income. When an actor joined a company he was assured of at least one benefit a year, and the season in each town always closed with each actor receiving the proceeds (less expenses) of one night's performance. For their benefit nights the actors were allowed to select their program, and quite naturally they chose plays which had already demonstrated their popularity. Players of major importance were sometimes allowed to select a new play, which was always assured of a good audience on the first night performed. Not only did the actors receive the receipts on their night, but they were also given 273. the candle remains.¹⁹ Puppet shows followed the example set by the live actors and also gave benefit performances, but the recipient was usually some public charity.²⁰ One English custom concerning benefits was brought to America by the Hallams.²¹ The actor for whom the benefit was to be given would accompany the drummer and bill-sticker through the town and personally solicit the patronage of the gentry on his night. When Douglass assumed control of the company he attempted to overthrow the habit. For the first three years after he arrived in New York in 1759 he had accepted this custom;²² but by 1767 benefit advertisements regularly contained announcements which noted:

Miss Wainwright begs Leave to acquaint the TOWN that, the Ceremony of waiting on Ladies and Gentlemen with Bills at Benefits, has been for some Years laid aside in this Company: Instead of a Mark of Respect, which it was originally designed, it has often been, and not without Reason, taken in the Light of importunate Sollicitation, equally painful to the Friends of the Theatre and the Performers. She, therefore, flatters herself, that this Circumstance alone, sufficiently points out the Impropriety of a personal Application.²³

Frequently the manager of the company would receive requests submitted by gentlemen of the town soliciting the performance of a favorite play. If these supplications were compatible with the plans of the company, the play would be advertised as being given "by particular Desire."²⁹ There were occasions when there were conflicting requests for the same night, which would result in Douglass publishing a card asking their indulgence until he could comply with the petitions.³⁰ Apparently he operated on a first come, first served basis.

The theatre in any period of history is concerned primarily with actors and plays, but in every instance there are those who are literally behind the scenes. In 1762 the non-acting personnel of the Douglass Company included door-keepers, bill-stickers, drummers, a property man, and dressers or wardrobe 275. attendants. None of these people held shares in the organization and all were salaried employees.

The manager of the colonial theatrical company was also an actor, and quite often played leads or major supporting roles. Yet his duties were so varied that he must also be included among the non-acting personnel. The eighteenth-century manager was a combination of producer, director, accountant and actor—virtually a jack of all trades. In the preparation of a new play for the stage he had to fill the roles in the cast and make all the necessary business arrangements. He was the one who marked the cues in the prompt books,³¹ and it was he who kept the accounts, counted receipts at the end of the day and made all disbursements. The composition of playbills and arrangements for their publication fell to his lot. The scene-shifters had to be instructed in their duties, as did the other back-stage employees of the company. He acted as director at rehearsals. It was his responsibility to acquire the wardrobe and see that it received an occasional laundering. Itineraries and repertoires were subject to constant revision.³² and in addition to his other duties, he had to make his regular appearances on the stage as an actor.

The responsibility for the timing of the play fell upon the prompter. It was the tinkle of the prompter's bell which signified to the audience that the play was about to begin³³—essentially the same effect as the dimming of the house lights in the modern theatre. After the recitation of the prologue, "the blast of a whistle" would be the signal for the raising of the curtain.³⁴ The whistle and the bell were the tools of the prompter's trade. The bell 276. which hung over his arm was used to signal the orchestra, and for the foot­lights to be raised or lowered, while the shrill tones of his whistle ordered the stage hands to make a scenery shift.³⁵ It was his duty to give the actors the first words of every important speech, and a call boy usually stood at his elbow, ready to dispatch to the Green Room in time to see that the actors were on stage for their cue.³⁶ It was the duty of the prompter to copy plays and parts, although he was sometimes paid extra for this chore.³⁷ In emergencies he even appeared on the stage as an actor.³⁸ Richard Brinsley Sheridan once said of this unsung hero, "an intelligent prompter is of the greatest importance in a well-regulated theatre… [He] is the corner stone of the building."³⁹

Among these minions of the stage was one to whom Douglass referred as "the Stage-Keeper,"⁴⁰ possibly the counterpart of the modern property manager. An unrecorded number of scene-shifters also worked back-stage.⁴¹ These people were sometimes referred to as "carpenters," because they often aided in the construction of the frames for the flats.⁴² They shifted the scenes in full view of the audience, and even tables and chairs were quietly brought on stage and removed as the occasion demanded.⁴³ When the plot called for the death of the chief tragedian, two stage hands calmly walked on stage and spread the 277. "tragic carpet" upon the boards so that he might not soil his clothes when he expired.⁴⁴ If the playwright had not arranged for the other actors to carry the dead off stage as a part of the plot, these men "Whose Business it is to carry off the slain in our English tragedies,"⁴⁵ would perform the rites.

There were some personal servants with the company. Some of the actresses required the service of a personal maid.⁴⁶ There was also a "dresser" for both the men and the women, whose duties included the supervision of the wardrobe and assisting the players to dress for their appearance on the stage.⁴⁷

Among these lesser known, yet important members of the company, were the door-keepers. There were always at least three of these men on duty at the pit door, the stage door and the entrance to the gallery.⁴⁸ The John Street Theatre in New York required the services of seven door-keepers.⁴⁹ Mr. Broadbelt who was responsible for the sale of box seats for the American Company, and who probably also acted as treasurer before the arrival of John Henry, also appeared as an actor when needed.⁵⁰ Dishonest men placed in the position of door-keeper without adequate supervision soon found the job especially useful as a means of enriching themselves at the expense of their employer.⁵¹

One of these employees who became a favorite with the audience was the candlesnuffer. When a candle began to flicker and sputter, dropping hot tallow on the spectators, a cry would be raised for the candlesnuffer. Two of the favorite names for these otherwise anonymous persons were "Johnny"⁵² and "Snuffles."⁵³ The snuffer operated in full view of the audience during the progress of the play, receiving numerous catcalls as he went about his duties. He also worked back stage and was responsible for keeping the fires burning.⁵⁴ Although the candlesnuffers were the lowliest of the low, they sometimes appeared in the play in walk-on parts, and were sometimes wrapped in skins to play animal parts.⁵⁵ Several of England's better known actors began their theatrical careers in this capacity.⁵⁶

It seems that a number of these non-acting people slept in the theatre while the actors spent their nights in taverns or ordinaries. When vandals attempted to wreck the Southwark Theatre in 1772, they were interrupted and "put to flight by the servants of the Theatre, who dwell in the house…"⁵⁷

Two of the members of the company worked outside the theatre in the earliest known form of theatrical advertising. Playbills were inserted into newspapers when the company could afford it, but in some instances—as when the actors played in villages where there were no newspapers—there was a need for announcing the productions of the company. Even in those tows which did boast a local press, the papers appeared only one day a week and there was the need for 279. advertising plays in the interval. In England this had been done by a drummer and trumpeter who were sent through the streets,⁵⁸ a method which was used by the provincial theatres of that country as late as the l840's.⁵⁹ Douglass used only a drummer, who would be accompanied on his rounds by a "Bill-sticker;"⁶⁰ he used this method even in New York where there were three newspapers to carry his playbills. It was also the custom to announce the next attraction from the stage at the end of each performance.⁶¹

David Douglass was a master in the composition of advertisements. For instance, in Philadelphia, where the Calvinists were able to muster nearly as much strength as the Quakers, he would carefully point out that the play Douglass had been written by a Scot minister.⁶² As an appeal to the sanguine tastes, the more violent and frightening passages of Richard III were emphasized, promising the devotees of the theatre a full evening of blood-letting and rhetoric. In this case he was only continuing a practice which began with American theatrical managers as early as 1750.⁶³ Some of the advertising methods which originated with Douglass were continued long after his death. Among them was the custom of always listing the leading man first in the cast on the playbill, his name followed by those of all the other male members. It was only then that the actresses were listed, with the feminine star heading the list, although she was still listed below the lowest actor. If an actor was appearing in a role for the first time, it was considered proper modesty 280. to state in the advertisements that he would "attempt" the part.⁶⁴ Prices in the American colonial theatre were more or less stabilized at boxes 7s.6d., pit 5s., and gallery 3s. When a full house was assured at some special performance, the boxes would be laid into the pit and the prices for all seats except the gallery would be raised to 8s. The lowest advertised prices during the colonial period occurred when the American Company played in the hospital in Albany in 1769. The price range upon this occasion was boxes 6s., pit 4s., and gallery 2s.⁶⁵

Tickets were seldom sold at the door of the theatre. The sales were usually handled by local agents in convenient locations around town. The local printer was always one of these, possibly as a means of assuring him that he would receive his pay for the newspaper advertisements and the printing of handbills. In many instances a popular tavern or coffee-house would be advertised as agent for the theatre, but it would handle only pit and gallery tickets. As a rule, box tickets could be purchased only at the theatre or at some respectable place where ladies could be seen without fear of gossip. One employee was usually stationed at the playhouse with the book in which purchasers of box tickets were listed.⁶⁶ He would then make out lists which he would give to the box attendants to insure seats for the holders of the tickets.⁶⁷ Even with this arrangement patrons were urged to send their servants around at four o'clock (for a six o'clock curtain) to hold the desired seats for their masters and mistresses.⁶⁸ When personal benefits were given, the home address EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY BENEFIT TICKET
Courtesy Harvard Theatre Collection 281. of the actor or actresses would be listed, and purchasers could receive tickets from the hands of their favorites. This practice of not selling tickets at the door was possibly a method of discouraging dishonest doorkeepers from pocketing the proceeds and allowing their friends and relatives to enter without a ticket, which was so often the case in England.⁶⁹ In the period during which the British officers operated the John Street Theatre in New York, very few tickets were sold at the theatre on the night of the performance; the customers patronized the agents in the different sections of town.⁷⁰ A play­bill issued by Lewis Hallam in 1753 stated that "Nothing under full price will be taken during the full performance." This was in itself an indication that the old London habit of allowing people to enter the playhouse for half price at the end of the third act, at a certain hour, or between the play and the farce, had found its way to America.^7l

A ticket purchased for any performance seems to have been honored for any other performance during the season, and purchasers were often warned towards the end of a run to use their tickets before the players left town.⁷² In the early Charleston theatre, tickets purchased one season were accepted the following year.⁷³ Apparently each actor was responsible for his own benefit tickets, and carried them with him as personal property. On two occasions, when Thomas Wall and Lewis Hallam either lost or ^were robbed of a number of their tickets, they were forced to obtain a fresh supply of new design.⁷⁴ 282. There is some evidence that tickets, especially those calling for admission to the gallery, were sometimes counterfeited. When this happened, all outstanding gallery tickets were called in and new ones issued in their place.⁷⁵

The operations of the American colonial theatre were complex and always difficult, but the path had been smoothed by the years of development and experience gained in Eng1and before theatre was transported to the new world. t is true, however, that many innovations were introduced in the colonies and several established customs were altered to meet the requirements and desires of the inhabitants of the new world. Although rooted in English precedence, the theatre in America differed in many ways from its parent institution.

CHAPTER XVI
ACTOR, PLAY, AND AUDIENCE

The actor is the mortal medium by which the drama speaks. It is the actor who gives life to the inanimate words of the script, and in doing so spans "the gulf from priesthood to bawdry."¹ In the course of time he has been the favorite of the Church, the Court, the bourgeois and the proletariat. Even in the twentieth century he is an enigma to the ordinary mind. He is fawned over ^and knighted. and ^{he is} execrated from the pulpit, but still ^he remains on the far side of that pale of fantasy which separates mortal gods from common man. It was ever thus.

Thespians have always managed to establish themselves in every social stratum, yet the profession as a whole has never quite been considered acceptable socially. Charlotte Charke, daughter of Colley Cibber and mother of Catharine Maria Harman, and herself an actress, had this to say of her profession in her autobiography:

I think going a strolling is engaging in a little, dirty kind of War…And to say Truth, I am not only sick, but heartily ashamed of it, as I have had nine Years Experience of its being a very contemptible Life; rendered so, through the impudent and ignorant Behaviours of the Generality of those who pursue it.²

As early as 1704, actors had sometimes gained wives from among the daughters of the nobility,⁴ and throughout the century similar incidents would lend an aura of respectability to their calling. Taken collectively, the average English actor, however, was prone to be loud and boisterous on the streets, dressing himself and even his children in flashy clothing.⁵ This custom he brought with him when the drama was transplanted into the colonies.⁶ David Douglass, of whom we are prone to think as a quiet sort of person, was wont to drive about town in a phaeton, drawn by four horses, whose harness was "genteely arnamented with Brass Plates, &c."⁷

Much of the opposition to the comedians had been generated as the result of their own behavior. Their general attitude of insolence might be termed "spirit" in another profession, and despite the generally recognized attitude of the people considering them "Public Slaves," the strollers persisted in conduct which only built up prejudice. Lewis Hallam endeared himself to few because of his arrogant attitude and his continued insistence as to his superiority on the American stage, even after age had left him an old man tottering about the boards on spindly legs.⁸ One eighteenth-century English actor confessed that:

It is galling to remark, but it is a truth, that it is the actor which disgraces the stage, and not the stage the actor; and the vulgar, not knowing how to distinguish, indiscriminately throw the good and 285. the bad in the same dirty reservoir of disgrace.⁹

Not all intolerance of the stage could be ascribed to the personal deportment of the actors. In the late seventeenth century Jeremy Collier had not only railed against the usual profaneness and immorality associated with the playhouse, but feared the lack of proper respect for, and the ridicule of, the nobility would lead to a "Levelling" influence and promote the rise of social equality.¹⁰

Actors in the eighteenth century, even as today, were a superstitious people. For instance, because of several disagreeable accidents which had occurred during performances of All's Well That Ends Well, many players avoided acting in it whenever possible,¹¹ which may account for the fact that the play never appeared on the stage of colonial America.

The pay of the colonial actor was never exorbitant, and many had to resort to outside employment to gain additional income for the little luxuries of life. As has been seen, Thomas Wall frequently advertised himself as a teacher of music, and the singers of the company appeared in many concerts outside the theatre. In 1782 a puppet-master, appearing in Alexandria, Virginia, advertised that "He extracts teeth with a touch, as usual…"¹²

All actors, and especially those who expected to play comedy, had to be trained in the manner of the court and the drawing room. Time had to be devoted to the study of such details as the proper method of seating a lady in hoop skirts, how to make a graceful bow and even the best way to carry the hat 286. nonchalantly beneath the arm to prevent the disarrangement of carefully dressed and powdered hair.¹³

There were some established customs which were tolerated, and even demanded by the audience. whenever possible the actors would turn these practices to their own advantage. Because of the tendency of the spectators to applaud child actors, whether they could act or not,¹⁴ the players often had their children appear as pages or cupids as early as the age of five, and sometimes even had them speak the prologue or the epilogue of thanks at their parents' benefits.¹⁵

There were certain usages which became established in all important roles. The hero must always present a dominant and commanding appearance to his audience. His gestures were dignified, and he was forbidden to take short steps. His delivery was supposed to be neither monotonous nor recitative, but he was not to roar his lines. His head was to be held erect, but not back, for such a posture denoted "inflated self-sufficiency." He was never to cringe or stiffen, nor even "endeavour to swell his limbs."¹⁶ From 1750 on, due to the influence of David Garrick, the language of the hero was shorn of the prose of the common man, and his lines were delivered in the measured dignity of blank verse.¹⁷ It was also desirable, but not absolutely necessary, that 287. no hero be under six feet in height.¹⁸ To create the illusion that he was towering over the other members of the cast, huge plumes of feathers were worn, some of them so high "that there is often a greater length from his chin to the top of his head, than to the sole of his foot." Noticing the concern with which actors balanced their unwieldy headdresses, Joseph Addison commented, "I am more apt to look upon him rather as an unfortunate lunatic than a distressed hero."¹⁹ It was not until the latter half of the eighteenth century that this symbol of heroism and dignity was abolished.²⁰ As late as 1779 the managers for the theatre operated by the British officers in New York paid Juliana Bunyan £1.45 for four feathers²¹ which may have been used for this illusion.

The greatness of some characters, especially royalty, was emphasized by arming the candlesnuffer and several of the scene-shifters with halberds and battle-axes, and having them accompany the actor on stage as a bodyguard.²² The position of Kings, generals and heroes was sometimes exalted by giving them a truncheon to carry.²³ Princes were known by their diadem of "Brass, and Star'd with a Bristol stone."²⁴

The villains of the plays not only played black-hearted scoundrels, but emphasized the nature of the character by their dress. Their costumes were 288. all black, including black wigs, and their faces were sometimes made swarthy by a heavy application of burnt cork.²⁵ Murderers and conspirators also appeared in this guise, although the face was sometimes whitened with chalk to heighten the contrast. Beards worn upon the stage were usually considered as another mark of evil.²⁶

Low comedians were the greatest problems faced by an eighteenth-century theatrical manager. Quite often they would not only change the author's lines, but ad-lib when there was no cue for them to speak. There were instances of their stopping in the midst of their speech and addressing the "Gods" of the gallery. Such behavior quite often threw the house into an uproar, but they also ran the risk of being hissed down by the audience. These actors always played the parts of witches, and although attired in "gowns, beards, and coifs," the characters were sometimes played as comic roles. One eighteenth-century commentator made the observation, "There is, in the witches, something odd and peculiar, and approaching to what we call humour."²⁷ Ghosts were not usually entrusted to the comics for they were to be characterized by "Pale meager looks, and hollow voice… "²⁸

For an actress, the role of a queen or princess was sometimes to be desired, although the part might have been relatively unimportant. This gave her the opportunity of wearing fine clothes, even though scoffing remarks were made about the sweeping trains of the character who "generally receives 289. her grandeur from those additional incumberances that fall into her tail," and concern was expressed "lest she should entangle her feet in her petticoat."²⁹ Queens usually appeared in black velvet, and on certain grand occasions, with the additional finery of a lace or tissue petticoat.³⁰

In 1762 Robert Lloyd penned a rhythmic criticism of the "typed" characterizations:

To suit the dress demands the actor's arts,
Yet there are some who overdress the part.
To some prescriptive right give settled things—
Black wigs to murderers, feathered hats to Kings.

Yet Michael Cassio might be drunk enough,
Though all his features are not grimed in snuff.
Why should Poll Peachum shine in Satin clothes?
Why every devil dance in scarlet hose?

³¹

As a rule, costumes of the eighteenth-century theatre were purely and simply a matter of custom and personal choice, or had been established by chance. When Otway's Venice Preserv'd was played for the first time on February 9, 1682, William Smith, the original Pierre of the play, wore a white hat, and the part was always played by an actor wearing a white hat after that.³² Little consideration was given to historical accuracy in costuming, even by the inimitable Garrick, who played Hamlet in the dress of the court of George II.³³

Actresses selected those costumes which most flattered them. At one time on the London stage, M4s. Hartley had played Cleopatra in Elizabethan dress, while the famous Mrs. Siddons fancied "Grecian" draperies for most of 290. her roles.³⁴ The women of the stage were attracted by the brilliance and excellence of the dress, and whenever possible they aped the ladies of the court.³⁵ Naturally, the leading lady always demanded the most beautiful dress of the wardrobe as her just due, while many of the lesser characters performed in "cast gowns of persons of quality, or altered habits rather soiled."³⁶ Occasionally a costume was traded in the midst of a play so that the same dress sometimes appeared on two different actresses.³⁷ Sometimes an actor or actress would possess a personal wardrobe finer than that of the company, and insisted on wearing their clothes no matter what the part. This practice led to some criticism that farmers' daughters, witches and chamber maids often appeared with "the head dressed in full fashion, and the feet decked in satin shoes,"³⁸ with "the Lying Valet better dress'd than his master."³⁹ From the beginning, stage wardrobes were designed more for show than durability. In 1666 Samuel Pepys had gone back-stage and expressed his surprise after seeing "how fine they show on the stage by candlelight, and how poor things they are to look now too near hand…"⁴⁰ Furs which appeared luxurious on the stage were but cheap imitations.⁴¹

Only when an Oriental, a Grecian, or a Roman play was to be presented was there an attempt at authenticity. Actors seemed to favor a turban wrapped 291. around the head, or a toga draped about the body. But some even rebelled against this, and the old London favorite of Julius Caesar was seldom acted because David Garrick "would never willingly put on the Roman habit."⁴² To purchase new costumes and refurbish the old, Garrick and all managers adopted the idea of laying aside a portion of each day's receipts.⁴³

Actors were just as vain of their stage appearance as the actresses, and indulged themselves in flashy clothes topped off, whenever possible, with a coat of red. In a London production of Othello in 1751 it was reported that the actors were garbed in "elegantly tawdry modern dress," and "very rich uniforms."⁴⁴ Minor actors "strutted in tarnished laced coats and waistcoats, full bottom or tye wigs and black worsted stockings."⁴⁵

The English habits of theatrical dress were followed by the actors of the American colonial stage. John Henry played Othello in "the uniform of a British general officer, his face black and hair woolly."⁴⁶ A pungent observation was made by St. George Tucker on costumes after witnessing a New York performance of Alexander the Great, or The Rival Queens in 1786: "Statira's false rump was of a most enormous magnitude—Roxana's train of tyrian purple, discovered itself to be of no more costly stuff than Caliamanco, as she approached the front of the stage."⁴⁷

Even as today, the players were concerned with the problem of make-up. Anthony Aston once criticized the actresses of the eighteenth century "who 292. are afraid of putting their Faces out of the Form of Non-Meaning, lest they should crack the Cerum, White Wash, or other Cosmetic, trowel'd on."⁴⁸ This heavy-make-up which the ladies plastered on their faces was sometimes a source of embarrassment for in extremely hot weather it would melt and run down their faces.⁴⁹ The actors used just as much artificial coloring, and frequently resorted to false noses, beards and mustaches. Favorite colors were red and white, and actors became adept at drawing the proper lines for aging their faces.⁵⁰ Make-up and age lines were perhaps applied with a heavy-hand in order to make them effective in the comparatively dim light of the playhouse.

Not only did e^Eighteenth-century actors ^{not only} stylize^d their costumes and make-up, but also their acting. Managers of the day considered acting as a mechanical art which could be acquired by anyone. Although Garrick had become the favorite of the day with his assault on this type of presentation in 1741, the public still resented any new interpretations of old characters as late as 1785.⁵¹ As a result of this clinging to tradition, the bombastic style of the "Bellower," James Quin, still appeared simultaneously and on the same stage as the more naturalistic acting of Garrick. One of the men who was able to break through the barrier of natural resistance was Charles Macklin. In 1741 he revolutionized the interpretation of Shylock, who had formerly been played as a comic character. Georg Christoph Litchenberg, then visiting in England was so fascinated by the performance that he noted every detail:

Shylock is not one of those mean, plausible cheats who could expatiate for an hour on the virtues of a gold-watch-chain of pinch­beck; he is heavy, and silent in his unfathomable cunning, and, when 293. the law is on his side, just to the point of malice. Imagine a rather stout man with a coarse yellow face and a nose generously fashioned in all three dimensions, a long double chin, and a mouth so carved by nature that the knife appears to have slit him right up to the ears… He wears a long black gown, long wide trousers, and a red tricorne, after the fashion of Italian Jews, I suppose. The first words he utters when he comes on to the stage, are slowly and impressively spoken: "Three thousand ducats"…which Macklin lisps as lickerishly as if he was savouring the ducats and all that they would buy…Three such words uttered thus at the outset gives the keynote to his whole character.⁵²

Actors constantly strove to develop new mannerisms which would serve as an identifying trait. If one expressed a line in a peculiar manner and the audience expressed approbation, it is quite likely he would continue reciting all dialogue in the same cadence and rhythm, whether the lines called for such a delivery or not.⁵³ The authors of tragedy usually made an effort to rhyme their lines to prevent their being delivered in a monotonous chant. In 1750 this sing-song recitation was explained thus: "The reason why the modern actors are so very uniform, seems to be that they play rather from memory than from a feeling of the passion of their parts."⁵⁴ But actors "ere forced to rely on a rather prodigious memory, especially in the colonies. Because of a large repertoire and of their having to play as many as three different plays and three different farces in a week's time, there was little opportunity to refresh a faulty memory. All actors of the day made a point of addressing the audience rather than their fellow players. The great Garrick carried the habit to such an extreme "as to throw all the upper part of his 294. body over the orchestra… "⁵⁵ At other times they would turn their backs upon the pit and address the dignitaries in the boxes.⁵⁶

The players always strived, even in tragedy, to pry a laugh from their audience. One sure way of accomplishing this was by the imitation of an actor whose peculiarities of speech and manner was well known, especially if that actor happened to be among the spectators.⁵⁷

Although the acting of the age was stiff and formal, they endeavoured to inject some realism into presentations, especially in the more gory scenes. Blood was usually real, taken from a slaughtered sheep or calf, and contained in a "leder bag" which could easily be cut with a weapon. In later years a sponge was sometimes substituted for the bag, for it was more manageable and could be given a squeeze to present the effusion of gore at the appointed time. Beheadings sometimes were presented on the stage with the use of a false head, a leder bag filled with blood and some deft acting. Torture was usually indicated by shrieks and groans from the wings.⁵³

The tenacity to which actors held on to those roles which they considered their own was amazing. Only upon dissection of the egotism and economic resources of the eighteenth century does the system seem logical. Actors, who carried their vanity to the grave, realized their professional standing and remuneration was usually based on the parts they played.⁵⁹ As late as 1795 295. when Lewis Hallam was near 55 years of age, he was involved in a quarrel with a manager "because he did not perform many of the young, First Rate Characters, which he said he had supplied since his first Arrival in America, and that he had not resigned them, nor ever would."⁶⁰ There was also a valid reason for this practice from the point of view of the manager—it reduced the number of rehearsals and the necessity for continually learning new lines. Some of the minor players seemed to have laid claim to as many as two parts in a single play. If an actor prone to patronize local taverns turned up near curtain time under the influence of alcohol, he could still repeat his lines by rote after the usual sobering dose of vinegar and green tea.⁶¹

The nearest thing to eighteenth-century burlesque was the "breeches part," in which a woman played a man's role dressed in male clothes. This practice had delighted the masculine elements of the audience since the days of the Restoration. Samuel Pepys, who had an eye for a well turned limb noted in his diary in 1661 that "I went to the Theatre, and there saw 'Argalus and Parthenia,' where a woman acted Parthenia, and had the best legs that ever I saw, and I was well pleased with it."⁶² In America, Henrietta Osborne had almost made a career of playing breeches parts, and even as early as 1736 an unnamed actress appeared before a Charleston audience "in Man's Cloaths."⁶³ Some afterpieces, especially Edgar and Emmeline, called for the heroine to appear "disguised as a Man."⁶⁴ Of course, there were also those instances in which women whose figures had reached the stage that they were less than exciting, dressed in 296. breeches only because there was a shortage of actors. Two instances of this in the American Company had been Mrs. Wall's Prince John in Henry IV and Catharine Harman's Pissanio in Cymbeline.⁶⁵

Men also played female roles. The practice which had existed in the days of Shakespeare of young males playing women's parts existed long after actresses had taken their place on the stage. On one occasion Charles II received the remarkable apology for the delay of a play because "the Queen had not yet shaved."⁶⁶ In 1735 young boys were still appearing in women's clothes on the London stage, playing the parts of adolescent girls.⁶⁷ In some instances, men played the opposite sex as a novelty,⁶⁸ and in fact, the part of Sir John Brute in the Provok'd Wife required that he appear in female dress during the course of the play.

One of the best things that an actor could do to insure a demand for his services was to develop some ability as a singer or dancer. The dance as an entertainment factor between the play and the farce had been introduced in the late seventeenth century.⁶⁹ Off-stage, the dance was one of the primary modes of entertainment for the people of the colonies, one traveler noting the fondness of the Virginians for dancing said, "Towards the close of an evening, when the company are pretty well tired of country dances, it is usual to dance jiggs; a practice originally borrowed, I am informed, from the Negroes."⁷⁰

There were any number of dances popular in the eighteenth century; chacones, minuets, allemandes, corantes, jigs, hornpipes, etc.⁷¹ The solo dance most persistently performed in the theatre was the hornpipe, which was usually presented in the garb of a young or old sailor in a humorous situation. Jigs were also another form of popular single performances, while still other dances were improvised from the Harlequin story.⁷² Among the group dances the allemande and the minuet seem to have been the most popular formal presentations. The allemande was particularly well liked for it was a form of multiple entwining of the arms by two people. The minuet was by far the most popular group dance in the colonial theatre—not only for its more intricate steps, but because of the opportunity it presented to display beautiful costumes. The dancers generally formed on the stage in an S-shape, "while doing their steps in three-quarter time. First a step in knee-bend right, then left, draw the right foot and kick out the left foot is the regular sequence for the minuet."⁷³ Flirtation is the main emphasis of this dance.

But the dance was only an adjunct in a period in which oratory was admired, and every player was replete with long declamatory passages. Eighteenth­century drama was seldom a vehicle for social criticism; its one function was to entertain. With this in mind, Joseph Addison had classified drama in 1711: "Tragedy was crowned with cyprus, and covered with robes dipped in blood. Satire had smiles in her look, and a dagger under her garment. Rhetoric was known by her thunderbolt; and Comedy by her mask."⁷⁴

In the period of the colonial theatre, the repertoire consisted almost entirely of plays drawn directly from the London stage. Plays whose sole object was to entertain the masses, not to promote virtue or morality, were written by the best literary men of the day. George Farquhar analyzed the popular taste with the statement: "A play without a beau, cully, cuckold or coquette, is as poor an entertainment to some palates, as their Sunday's dinner would be without beef and pudding."⁷⁵ Even after many attempts to cleanse the stage of its obscenity a London item of 1766 noted, "In a tragedy lately rejected at one of our playhouses there were no less than three rapes, four murders, a forgery, and an incest."⁷⁶ As a popular foil, authors quite often picked the Jew, to be played as a cringing comic, or a crafty and scheming villain.⁷⁷ Neither was it against their ethics to take an old play, change the title, possibly add a few scenes and "give it out for a new one."⁷⁸.

Despite the many new plays constantly presented on the London stage, William Shakespeare was the most popular author whose plays were presented on the American colonial stage. In the 24 years prior to the Revolution, fourteen of his plays were performed at least 176 times.⁷⁹ Of these fourteen plays, only two seem to have been presented in their original form, and even they had been cut to fit into the available playing time. Although it was felt that Shakespeare's greatest forte was his tendency "to interest the minds of an audience," managers were not averse to making "vile and degrading 299. interpolations," so "that little of the creative powers of Shakespeare is to be seen in it."⁸⁰ David Garrick had mutilated Hamlet in 1773 by eliminating the gravediggers' appearance and other "old scenes of low Humour,"⁸¹ and expurgating significant passages in the play. Possibly these watered down versions of the masterpieces of the Bard were a concession to the audience, with the dialogue modified to the point where it could be understood by the minions of the gallery.

On the American stage, Richard III and Romeo and Juliet were the two favorites of Shakespeare and were presented more times than any contemporary tragedy. Garrick's adaptation of The Taming of the Shrew which he entitled Catherine and Petruchio was often the afterpiece selected to accompany Romeo and Juliet, which had also undergone Garrick's surgery. Romeo and Juliet was an example of the alterations performed on one of Shakespeare's plays. Garrick allowed Juliet to awaken before Romeo's death, and featured a splendid funeral procession to the Capulet tomb. Juliet's age was advanced from fourteen to eighteen, while references to Rosaline were completely omitted. All rhyming portions of the verse were deleted. But strangest of all, one of the most effective scenes in the play, the highly lyrical parting of the young lovers, was cut from the script.⁸²

Other than Shakespeare's the most popular play in the colonies was George Lillo's The History of George Barnwell, or The London Merchant. This play had been taken from the author's earlier Sylvia and was the first honest attempt to amend the stage from the vices and weaknesses of mankind. The piece depicts the temptations of a young man to steal and murder through his EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY ILLUSTRATION OF THE RECRUITING OFFICER
Courtesy Harvard Theatre Collection 300. infatuation for an unscrupulous woman. It brought domestic tragedy into fashion, and one lady was quoted in the Gentleman's Magazine as saying that "none but a prostitute could find fault with this tragedy."⁸³ In the colonies it seems that this play was nearly always performed sometimes during the Christmas season.⁸⁴

George Farquhar was the author of the two most popular comedies presented on the American stage during the eighteenth century, The Recruiting Officer, followed by the Beaux Stratagem. The witty comedy of The Recruiting Officer contains lines which border on the indecent, but the gaiety and good humor make partial amends for what may be lacking in propriety. It was written in 1705 when all England was blazing with martial spirit, and while the playwright was himself on a recruiting party.⁸⁵

The Beggar's Opera was by far the most popular musical in a day when musicals were popular. In the London season of 1727-1728 it had played 62 nights to crowded houses. As a result of the plot, highwaymen became fashionable, and the ladies sang the lighter songs and hummed the coarser.⁸⁶ The libretto printed on fans and handkerchiefs proved to be a popular item. It was said that the previously obscure Lavinia Fenton, who played the part of Polly Peachum became an overnight success and "after being the mother of several anti-nuptial children, she obtained the rank and title of duchess."⁸⁷ Sir Robert Walpole was the indirect satirical target, represented by the outlaw 301. Macheath.⁸⁸

Although not among the leaders in number of times played, Addison's Cato must be included in any discussion of the more popular plays of the colonial period of America. Not only was it performed by professionals in the theatres, but it was also a favorite of the amateurs. This tragedy combining neoclassic correctness with Whig politics is built on the theme of Cato's stand for liberty against the suspected domination of Caesar, and his choice of death rather than submission. It was ideally suited for amateur productions for it was "more properly a succession of declamatory scenes than a tragedy; elegantly written, perfectly moral, and correctly in nature…we listen to the sentiments, we admire the beauty of the language and we are delighted with the morality they convey."⁸⁹

Every presentation on the colonial stage included a main attraction followed by an afterpiece. Afterpieces were originally used "as Crutches to our weakest Plays" and were not played with the better productions for it would "dishonor our best Authors, in such bad company."⁹⁰ Once introduced, their popularity became such that they became a regular feature of each night's entertainment. Usually they were farces, built around a situation or a case of mistaken identity. Quite often they were musical pieces of two or three acts. They were always light and were designed to end the evening in a burst of gaiety.

The favorite afterpiece in America after the middle of the century was the harlequinade. The cast and the plot were always the same, with new situations being introduced from time to time. The basic plot and cast for JOHN RICH AS HARLEQUIN
Courtesy Harvard Theatre Collection 302. this pantomime were: Harlequin, who was the lover of Columbine; Pantaloon, her father; and the Clown, the blundering servant of Harlequin. Pantaloon constantly interfered with the courtship of Harlequin and Columbine. From this stock situation developed a flurry of tricks and acrobatics.⁹¹

Valuable components of any colonial theatrical performance were the prologue and the epilogue for,

this we call the Prologue-speaking age;
Without a Prologue nothing can be done.⁹²

The epilogue also had its uses. It was the last plea for courteous consideration of the actors by the audience and the critics. Usually the moral lesson of the play was summarized in the epilogue, and the continued interest and applause of the audience was solicited.

The audience to whom the actors made these overtures was a potpourri of colonial society: the gentry in the boxes, the shop-keepers in the pit and the rabble in the gallery. It had long been held in London that one of the inalienable rights of the audience was to voice their displeasure at the action upon the stage,⁹⁷ and in 1780 Lord Mansfield, Lord Chancellor of England, added legal status to this prerogative by ruling: "Every man that is at the play­house, has the right to express his approbation or disapprobation Instantaneously…That is a right due to the Theatre—an unalterable right—they must have that."⁹⁸

The audience was stringent in its demands upon the actor, whom they considered the "servant and creature of the public." If in turn, the actors came to realize that "To hazard the displeasure of those, who have the power to inforce their orders, is equally impolite and dangerous…"⁹⁹ The customers of the theatre were the despair of the playwrights and irritated Ben Johnson who deplored the behavior of this "rude, barbarous crew, having no brains, [who] will hiss anything that mounts above their dull capacities."¹⁰⁰ London 304. audiences were so demanding that they were apt to start a riot if the play did not start on time, even if the delay was occasioned by awaiting the arrival of the Royal Family.¹⁰¹ They were not hesitant in calling for favorite tunes between the acts, no matter what number had been scheduled for that program. When early eighteenth-century audiences were pleased with a performance they would cry "ancora," and by the middle of the century the present day use of "encore" seems to have been in vogue.¹⁰² The less sophisticated audience of English provincial theatres would sometimes answer the actors spontaneously. Upon one occasion when an actor cried "My kingdom for a horse," a trader in the pit immediately stood up and offered to supply him with one.¹⁰³ If a dancer displeased the customers, a shower of peas would be thrown upon the stage,¹⁰⁴ a rebuke which did little to improve his performance. As a means of giving voice to their annoyance, it was not unusual to have playgoers bring various noise, making instruments with them to the theatre,¹⁰⁵ and sometimes their cat-calls would be blown in cadence with a player's line.¹⁰⁶ At other times, instead of hissing or blowing upon their cat-calls, the audience would ^toexpress their vexation by taking ^took out their handkerchiefs and "blew and coughed and hawked."¹⁰⁷, Most of this blatant criticism came from the pit or gallery where "none but Naughty Women sate," but the ladies in the stage boxes would 305. sometimes: "excite their own mirth, by putting their fellow creatures on the rack."¹⁰⁸

Not only did the spectators in the audience prove an annoyance to the actors, but they were also burdened with them upon the stage. Fops would use the stage as a means of allowing themselves to be seen and admired. After wandering through the wings they would wander upon the stage, talking loudly all the while. Ignoring the cries of "off" they would preen themselves in full view of the audience, only retiring under a barrage of oranges from the gallery. The actors were forced to use subtlety in their efforts to keep the stage clear and as early as 1697 were using ridicule as a weapon. An actor mounted on an ass spoke the prologue and said:

You have seen (before now) since this shape-shewing age,
More asses than mine, on a beau crowded stage.

¹⁰⁹

In London, many of the audience insisted upon sitting on the stage, although these were the highest priced seats in the house.¹¹⁰ Ladies would sometimes prefer these seats to escape the obscenity and profanity in the auditorium. At times there were as many as two hundred spectators upon the stage at one time, so crowding the area that actors had difficulty in making their entrances and exits.¹¹¹

The audiences of the colonies followed much the same behavior patterns as their prototypes in the Mother Country. There were the same gallery gods, hurling eggs upon the stage and insults at the actors, creating all sorts of boisterous disturbances, even while under the threat of exclusion from the playhouse. Just as in England, the American audience considered it one of 306. their privileges to clamor for a favorite song as late as 1805.¹¹² In 1736 when James Godwin did not perform an expected dance upon the stage of the Charleston Theatre, the audience rioted and threw bottles upon the stage, "one of which was returned by Mr. Godwin."¹¹³ For those who pleased them with a bit of good acting, American audiences would applaud as they left the stage, whether the part had been important or not.¹¹⁴ The young bucks of the new world insisted upon emulating their London cousins and pushed their way behind the scenes to mingle with the actors and actresses, although every playbill announced that this practice would not be allowed. Even as late as 1796 in the managerial articles of agreement drawn up by John Hodgkinson, Lewis Hallam and William Dunlap it was stated, "to prevent Disorder and Confusion behind the scenes, no Person shall be admitted, except the Performers, on any pretense whatever…"¹¹⁵

Obscenity and profanity apparently did not prevail in the colonial playhouse to the same degree as it did in England. In the New York Theatre, ladies occupied both the pit and the boxes.¹¹⁶ In the southern colonies, feminine attendance was much greater than in the north, with as many as 250 ladies sometimes appearing for a sing1e performance. Hudson Muse noted in 1771 that in Williamsburg "there was treble the number of fine Ladyes" that had ever been seen in that playhouse.¹¹⁷ It is an interesting commentary that there was never a reported riot or unusual disturbance in the playhouses of 307. Williamsburg, Annapolis or Charleston before the Revolution. It was in the north where the mechanics and artisans could afford the theatre that these outbursts occurred.

Not only were the audience a problem to the players, but in the early days they were the primary critics. ^As one writer ^{put it} stating, "The pit is the grand court of criticism; and in the center of it is collected that awful body, distinguished by the title of The Town. Hence are issued the irrevocable decrees; and here final sentence is pronounced on plays and players."¹¹⁸ Printed criticism, if it could be classed as such, came primarily from the opponents or proponents of the players, condemning or defending the actors, rather than evaluating the performance. Most of the criticism came from correspondents to the newspapers rather than any established and competent authorities. In 1767 "Critic" of Philadelphia did discuss Lewis Hallam's poor diction.¹¹⁹ "Y.Z." of Annapolis in 1771, despite his extravagances, supplies in his review of Cymbeline the only comprehensive dramatic criticism of the period. The actresses are individually mentioned, and comments made on the scenery, lighting, costumes, audience, acoustics, dramatic pace and even backstage decor. This is the only performance in pre-Revolutionary America for which there is really detailed information or critical opinion.¹²⁰

The American colonial theatre to was thus a transplanted English institution. The patterns were established in the mother country, but were twisted into new shapes in the colonies by the influences of a new environment. Not until the colonies had cast off the shackles of colonialism did the theatre thrive as a native institution—then it kept pace with the growth of the rapidly expanding 308. nation. Yet the colonial theatre was an example of the pace and strength of colonial America, struggling against seemingly insurmountable odds and always growing stronger through their experience.

Possibly the best way to bring this study to a conclusion is to quote an epitaph from the tombstone of Ann Buck, an English actress who died in 1737:

Having acted a good Part
On the stage of Life for 32 Years,
And on that of the Theatre for 14 years …
She made a most decent Exit.¹²¹